Gold Silver Ireland Map Coin Irish Independence 1921 Proclamation Flag Dublin UK

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Venditore: checkoutmyunqiuefunitems ✉️ (3.712) 99.9%, Luogo in cui si trova l'oggetto: Manchester, Take a look at my other items, GB, Spedizione verso: WORLDWIDE, Numero oggetto: 276154089141 Gold Silver Ireland Map Coin Irish Independence 1921 Proclamation Flag Dublin UK. IRELAND 100 Years of Independance 1921 - 1920 Silver & Gold Plated Coin in the Shape of Ireland to Commemorate 100 Years of Irish Independance The Map has the irish colours Green, White Silver and Orange Gold with Loch Neagh Silver in the Gold Section It has the Gaelic words "Tiocfaidh ar la" which translates to "Our Day Will Come" which was a slogan for Irish Independance It also has the 100 years of Irish Independence Logo The back has the Proclamtion of Ireland from 1916 in Gaelic it also has the colours of the Irish Flag and Faces of the Heros of the Irish Revolution War It is 70mm across from the West of Cork to the North of Antrim and weights approx 27 grams or 1 ounce Would make an Excellent Gift or Collectable Keepsake to an Amazing Country that gained independance  100 years ago
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I have sold items to coutries such as  Afghanistan * Albania * Algeria * American Samoa (US) * Andorra * Angola * Anguilla (GB) * Antigua and Barbuda * Argentina * Armenia * Aruba (NL) * Australia * Austria * Azerbaijan * Bahamas * Bahrain * Bangladesh * Barbados * Belarus * Belgium * Belize * Benin * Bermuda (GB) * Bhutan * Bolivia * Bonaire (NL)  * Bosnia and Herzegovina * Botswana * Bouvet Island (NO) * Brazil * British Indian Ocean Territory (GB) * British Virgin Islands (GB) * Brunei * Bulgaria * Burkina Faso * Burundi * Cambodia * Cameroon * Canada * Cape Verde * Cayman Islands (GB) * Central African Republic * Chad * Chile * China * Christmas Island (AU) * Cocos Islands (AU) * Colombia * Comoros * Congo * Democratic Republic of the Congo * Cook Islands (NZ) * Coral Sea Islands Territory (AU) * Costa Rica * Croatia * Cuba * Curaçao (NL)  * Cyprus * Czech Republic * Denmark * Djibouti * Dominica * Dominican Republic * East Timor * Ecuador * Egypt * El Salvador * Equatorial Guinea 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* Montserrat (GB) * Morocco * Mozambique * Myanmar * Namibia * Nauru * Navassa (US) * Nepal * Netherlands * New Caledonia (FR) * New Zealand * Nicaragua * Niger * Nigeria * Niue (NZ) * Norfolk Island (AU) * North Korea * Northern Cyprus * Northern Mariana Islands (US) * Norway * Oman * Pakistan * Palau * Palestinian Authority * Panama * Papua New Guinea * Paraguay * Peru * Philippines * Pitcairn Island (GB) * Poland * Portugal * Puerto Rico (US) * Qatar * Reunion (FR) * Romania * Russia * Rwanda * Saba (NL)  * Saint Barthelemy (FR) * Saint Helena (GB) * Saint Kitts and Nevis * Saint Lucia * Saint Martin (FR) * Saint Pierre and Miquelon (FR) * Saint Vincent and the Grenadines * Samoa * San Marino * Sao Tome and Principe * Saudi Arabia * Senegal * Serbia * Seychelles * Sierra Leone * Singapore * Sint Eustatius (NL)  * Sint Maarten (NL)  * Slovakia * Slovenia * Solomon Islands * Somalia * South Africa * South Georgia (GB) * South Korea * South Sudan * Spain * Sri Lanka * Sudan * Suriname 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Tianjin, Kuala Lumpur, Toronto, Milan, Shenyang, Dallas, Fort Worth, Boston, Belo Horizonte, Khartoum, Riyadh, Singapore, Washington, Detroit, Barcelona,, Houston, Athens, Berlin, Sydney, Atlanta, Guadalajara, San Francisco, Oakland, Montreal, Monterey, Melbourne, Ankara, Recife, Phoenix/Mesa, Durban, Porto Alegre, Dalian, Jeddah, Seattle, Cape Town, San Diego, Fortaleza, Curitiba, Rome, Naples, Minneapolis, St. Paul, Tel Aviv, Birmingham, Frankfurt, Lisbon, Manchester, San Juan, Katowice, Tashkent, Fukuoka, Baku, Sumqayit, St. Louis, Baltimore, Sapporo, Tampa, St. Petersburg, Taichung, Warsaw, Denver, Cologne, Bonn, Hamburg, Dubai, Pretoria, Vancouver, Beirut, Budapest, Cleveland, Pittsburgh, Campinas, Harare, Brasilia, Kuwait, Munich, Portland, Brussels, Vienna, San Jose, Damman , Copenhagen, Brisbane, Riverside, San Bernardino, Cincinnati and Accra   Irish War of Independence Part of the Irish revolutionary period Hogan's Flying Column.gif Seán Hogan's flying column of the IRA's 3rd Tipperary Brigade during the war Date    21 January 1919 – 11 July 1921 (2 years, 5 months, 2 weeks and 6 days) Location    Ireland Result        Ceasefire     Anglo-Irish Treaty     Ensuing Irish Civil War Territorial changes        Partition of Ireland     Creation of the Irish Free State Belligerents Irish Republic     United Kingdom Commanders and leaders Military commanders: Michael Collins Richard Mulcahy Cathal Brugha Political leaders: Éamon de Valera Arthur Griffith    Military commanders: Frederick Shaw Nevil Macready Henry Hugh Tudor Political leaders: David Lloyd George Lord French Lord FitzAlan Ian Macpherson Hamar Greenwood Strength Irish Republican Army ~15,000 Irish Citizen Army ~250 (auxiliary)    British Army ~20,000 Royal Irish Constabulary 9,700 - Black and Tans 7,000 - Auxiliary Division 1,400 Ulster Special Constabulary 4,000 Casualties and losses about 550 dead[1]    714 dead, comprising: 410 RIC dead 261 British Army dead 43 USC dead[2] about 750 civilians dead[3] Total dead: about 2,000     vte Irish War of Independence Timeline     Soloheadbeg Knocklong Holywell Sack of Balbriggan Rineen Tooreen Ballinalee Piltown Cross Siege of Tralee Bloody Sunday (Dublin) Kilmichael Burning of Cork Kilbrittain Pickardstown Clonfin Dromkeen Upton Clonmult Coolavokig Sheemore Clonbanin Selton Hill Burgery Crossbarry Headford Scramoge Tourmakeady Kilmeena Custom House Carrowkennedy Coolacrease Bloody Sunday (Belfast) McMahon killings Arnon Street killings Dunmanway killings     vte Irish revolutionary period (1912–1923) Events     Home Rule Crisis (1912–14) Dublin Lock-out (1913) Easter Rising (1916) Conscription Crisis (1918) Irish general election (1918) Declaration of Independence (1919) War of Independence (1919–22) Self-declared Soviets formed (1919-23) Creation of Northern Ireland (1921) Partition (1920–22) Anglo-Irish Treaty (1921) Civil War (1922–23) Organisations     Irish Republican Brotherhood Irish Parliamentary Party Sinn Féin Irish Volunteers Irish Republican Army Irish Citizen Army Ulster Unionist Party Ulster Volunteers The Irish War of Independence (Irish: Cogadh na Saoirse)[4] or Anglo-Irish War was a guerrilla war fought in Ireland from 1919 to 1921 between the Irish Republican Army (IRA, the army of the Irish Republic) and British forces: the British Army, along with the quasi-military Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) and its paramilitary forces the Auxiliaries and Ulster Special Constabulary (USC). It was an escalation of the Irish revolutionary period into warfare. In April 1916, Irish republicans launched the Easter Rising against British rule and proclaimed an Irish Republic. Although it was crushed after a week of fighting, the Easter Rising and the British response led to greater popular support for Irish independence. In the December 1918 election, the republican party Sinn Féin won a landslide victory in Ireland. On 21 January 1919 they formed a breakaway government (Dáil Éireann) and declared Irish independence. That day, two RIC officers were shot dead in the Soloheadbeg ambush by IRA volunteers acting on their own initiative. The conflict developed gradually. For much of 1919, IRA activity involved capturing weaponry and freeing republican prisoners, while the Dáil set about building a state. In September, the British government outlawed the Dáil and Sinn Féin and the conflict intensified. The IRA began ambushing RIC and British Army patrols, attacking their barracks and forcing isolated barracks to be abandoned. The British government bolstered the RIC with recruits from Britain—the Black and Tans and Auxiliaries—who became notorious for ill-discipline and reprisal attacks on civilians,[5] some of which were authorised by the British government.[6] Thus the conflict is sometimes called the Black and Tan War.[7][8][9] The conflict also involved civil disobedience, notably the refusal of Irish railwaymen to transport British forces or military supplies. In mid-1920, republicans won control of most county councils, and British authority collapsed in most of the south and west, forcing the British government to introduce emergency powers. About 300 people had been killed by late 1920, but the conflict escalated in November. On Bloody Sunday in Dublin, 21 November 1920, fourteen British intelligence operatives were assassinated in the morning; then in the afternoon the RIC opened fire on a crowd at a Gaelic football match, killing fourteen civilians and wounding sixty-five. A week later, seventeen Auxiliaries were killed by the IRA in the Kilmichael Ambush in County Cork. The British government declared martial law in much of southern Ireland. The centre of Cork city was burnt out by British forces in December 1920. Violence continued to escalate over the next seven months, when 1,000 people were killed and 4,500 republicans were interned. Much of the fighting took place in Munster (particularly County Cork), Dublin and Belfast, which together saw over 75 percent of the conflict deaths.[10] The conflict in north-east Ulster had a sectarian aspect. While the Catholic minority there mostly backed Irish independence, the Protestant majority were mostly unionist/loyalist. A Special Constabulary was formed, made up mostly of Protestants, and loyalist paramilitaries were active. They attacked Catholics in reprisal for IRA actions, and in Belfast a sectarian conflict raged in which almost 500 were killed, most of them Catholics.[11] In May 1921, Ireland was partitioned under British law by the Government of Ireland Act, which created Northern Ireland. Both sides agreed to a ceasefire (or 'truce') on 11 July 1921. The post-ceasefire talks led to the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty on 6 December 1921. This ended British rule in most of Ireland and, after a ten-month transitional period overseen by a provisional government, the Irish Free State was created as a self-governing Dominion on 6 December 1922. Northern Ireland remained within the United Kingdom. After the ceasefire, violence in Belfast and fighting in border areas of Northern Ireland continued, and the IRA launched a failed Northern offensive in May 1922. In June 1922, disagreement among republicans over the Anglo-Irish Treaty led to the eleven-month Irish Civil War. The Irish Free State awarded 62,868 medals for service during the War of Independence, of which 15,224 were issued to IRA fighters of the flying columns.[12] Origins of the conflict Home Rule Crisis Main article: Irish Home Rule Movement Since the 1870s, Irish nationalists in the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) had been demanding Home Rule, or self-government, from Britain. Fringe organisations, such as Arthur Griffith's Sinn Féin, instead argued for some form of Irish independence, but they were in a small minority.[13] The demand for Home Rule was eventually granted by the British Government in 1912,[14] immediately prompting a prolonged crisis within the United Kingdom as Ulster unionists formed an armed organisation – the Ulster Volunteers (UVF) – to resist this measure of devolution, at least in territory they could control. In turn, nationalists formed their own paramilitary organisation, the Irish Volunteers.[15] The British Parliament passed the Government of Ireland Act 1914, known as the Home Rule Act, on 18 September 1914 with an amending Bill for the partition of Ireland introduced by Ulster Unionist MPs, but the Act's implementation was immediately postponed by the Suspensory Act 1914 due to the outbreak of the First World War in the previous month.[16] The majority of nationalists followed their IPP leaders and John Redmond's call to support Britain and the Allied war effort in Irish regiments of the New British Army, the intention being to ensure the commencement of Home Rule after the war.[17] However, a significant minority of the Irish Volunteers opposed Ireland's involvement in the war. The Volunteer movement split, a majority leaving to form the National Volunteers under Redmond. The remaining Irish Volunteers, under Eoin MacNeill, held that they would maintain their organisation until Home Rule had been granted. Within this Volunteer movement, another faction, led by the separatist Irish Republican Brotherhood, began to prepare for a revolt against British rule in Ireland.[18] Easter Rising Main article: Easter Rising The plan for revolt was realised in the Easter Rising of 1916, in which the Volunteers launched an insurrection whose aim was to end British rule. The insurgents issued the Proclamation of the Irish Republic, proclaiming Ireland's independence as a republic.[19] The Rising, in which over four hundred people died,[20] was almost exclusively confined to Dublin and was put down within a week, but the British response, executing the leaders of the insurrection and arresting thousands of nationalist activists, galvanised support for the separatist Sinn Féin[21] – the party which the republicans first adopted and then took over as well as followers from Countess Markievicz, who was second-in-command of the Irish Citizen Army during the Easter Rising.[22] By now, support for the British war effort was waning, and Irish public opinion was shocked and outraged by some of the actions committed by British troops, particularly the murder of Francis Sheehy-Skeffington and the imposition of wartime martial law.[23] First Dáil Main article: First Dáil Result of the 1918 UK general election in Ireland In April 1918, the British Cabinet, in the face of the crisis caused by the German Spring Offensive, attempted with a dual policy to simultaneously link the enactment of conscription into Ireland with the implementation of Home Rule, as outlined in the report of the Irish Convention of 8 April 1918. This further alienated Irish nationalists and produced mass demonstrations during the Conscription Crisis of 1918.[24] In the 1918 general election Irish voters showed their disapproval of British policy by giving Sinn Féin 70% (73 seats out of 105,) of Irish seats, 25 of these uncontested.[25][26] Sinn Féin won 91% of the seats outside of Ulster on 46.9% of votes cast but was in a minority in Ulster, where unionists were in a majority. Sinn Féin pledged not to sit in the UK Parliament at Westminster, but rather to set up an Irish Parliament.[27] This parliament, known as the First Dáil, and its ministry, called the Aireacht, consisting only of Sinn Féin members, met at the Mansion House on 21 January 1919. The Dáil reaffirmed the 1916 Proclamation with the Irish Declaration of Independence,[28] and issued a Message to the Free Nations of the World, which stated that there was an "existing state of war, between Ireland and England". The Irish Volunteers were reconstituted as the "Irish Republican Army" or IRA.[29] The IRA was perceived by some members of Dáil Éireann to have a mandate to wage war on the British Dublin Castle administration. Forces British RIC and British Army personnel near Limerick, c.1920 The heart of British power in Ireland was the Dublin Castle administration, often known to the Irish as "the Castle".[30] The head of the Castle administration was the Lord Lieutenant, to whom a Chief Secretary was responsible, leading—in the words of the British historian Peter Cottrell—to an "administration renowned for its incompetence and inefficiency".[30] Ireland was divided into three military districts. During the course of the war, two British divisions, the 5th and the 6th, were based in Ireland with their respective headquarters in the Curragh and Cork.[30] By July 1921 there were 50,000 British troops based in Ireland; by contrast there were 14,000 soldiers in metropolitan Britain.[31] While the British Army had historically been heavily dependent on Irish recruitment, concern over divided loyalties led to the redeployment from 1919 of all regular Irish regiments to garrisons outside Ireland itself.[32] The two main police forces in Ireland were the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) and the Dublin Metropolitan Police.[33] Of the 17,000 policemen in Ireland, 513 were killed by the IRA between 1919 and 1921 while 682 were wounded.[33] Of the RIC's senior officers, 60% were Irish Protestants and the rest Catholic, while 70% of the rank and file of the RIC were Irish Catholic with the rest Protestant.[33] The RIC was trained for police work, not war, and was woefully ill-prepared to take on counter-insurgency duties.[34] Until March 1920, London regarded the unrest in Ireland as primarily an issue for the police and did not regard it as a war.[35] The purpose of the Army was to back up the police. During the course of the war, about a quarter of Ireland was put under martial law, mostly in Munster; in the rest of the country British authority was not deemed sufficiently threatened to warrant it.[31] During the course of the war, the British created two paramilitary police forces to supplement the work of the RIC, recruited mostly from World War I veterans, namely the Temporary Constables (better known as the "Black and Tans") and the Temporary Cadets or Auxiliary Division (known as the "Auxies").[36] Irish republican On 25 November 1913, the Irish Volunteers were formed by Eoin MacNeill in response to the paramilitary Ulster Volunteer Force that had been founded earlier in the year to fight against Home Rule.[37] Also in 1913, the Irish Citizen Army was founded by the trade unionists and socialists James Larkin and James Connolly following a series of violent incidents between trade unionists and the Dublin police in the Dublin lock-out.[38] In June 1914, Nationalist leader John Redmond forced the Volunteers to give his nominees a majority on the ruling committee. When, in September 1914, Redmond encouraged the Volunteers to enlist in the British Army, a faction led by Eoin MacNeill broke with the Redmondites, who became known as the National Volunteers, rather than fight for Britain in the war.[38] Many of the National Volunteers did enlist, and the majority of the men in the 16th (Irish) Division of the British Army had formerly served in the National Volunteers.[39] The Irish Volunteers and the Irish Citizen Army launched the Easter Rising against British rule in 1916, when an Irish Republic was proclaimed. Thereafter they became known as the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Between 1919 and 1921 the IRA claimed to have a total strength of 70,000, but only about 3,000 were actively engaged in fighting against the Crown.[40] The IRA distrusted those Irishmen who had fought in the British Army during the First World War, but there were a number of exceptions such as Emmet Dalton, Tom Barry and Martin Doyle.[40] The basic structure of the IRA was the "flying column" which could number between 20 and 100 men.[40] Finally, Michael Collins created the "Squad"—gunmen responsible to himself who were assigned special duties such as the assassination of policemen and suspected informers within the IRA.[40] Course of the war Further information: Timeline of the Irish War of Independence Pre-war violence The years between the Easter Rising of 1916 and the beginning of the War of Independence in 1919 were not bloodless. Thomas Ashe, one of the Volunteer leaders imprisoned for his role in the 1916 rebellion, died on hunger strike, after attempted force-feeding in 1917. In 1918, during disturbances arising out of the anti-conscription campaign, six civilians died in confrontations with the police and British Army and over 1,000 were arrested. Armistice Day was marked by severe rioting in Dublin, which left over 100 British soldiers injured.[41] There were also raids for arms by the Volunteers,[42] at least one shooting of a Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) policeman and the burning of an RIC barracks in Kerry.[43] In County Cork, four rifles were seized from the Eyeries barracks in March 1918 and men from the barracks were beaten that August.[44] In early July 1918, Volunteers ambushed two RIC men who had been stationed to stop a feis being held on the road between Ballingeary and Ballyvourney in the first armed attack on the RIC since the Easter Rising – one was shot in the neck, the other beaten, and police carbines and ammunition were seized.[44][45][46] Patrols in Bantry and Ballyvourney were badly beaten in September and October. The attacks brought a British military presence from the summer of 1918, which only briefly quelled the violence, and an increase in police raids.[44] However, there was as yet no co-ordinated armed campaign against British forces or RIC. Initial hostilities Police wanted poster for Dan Breen, one of those involved in the Soloheadbeg Ambush in 1919. While it was not clear in the beginning of 1919 that the Dáil ever intended to gain independence by military means, and war was not explicitly threatened in Sinn Féin's 1918 manifesto,[47][48] an incident occurred on 21 January 1919, the same day as the First Dáil convened. The Soloheadbeg Ambush, in County Tipperary, was led by Seán Treacy, Séumas Robinson, Seán Hogan and Dan Breen acting on their own initiative. The IRA attacked and shot two RIC officers, Constables James McDonnell and Patrick O'Connell,[49] who were escorting explosives. Breen later recalled:     ...we took the action deliberately, having thought over the matter and talked it over between us. Treacy had stated to me that the only way of starting a war was to kill someone, and we wanted to start a war, so we intended to kill some of the police whom we looked upon as the foremost and most important branch of the enemy forces. The only regret that we had following the ambush was that there were only two policemen in it, instead of the six we had expected.[50] This is widely regarded as the beginning of the War of Independence.[51][52][53][54] The British government declared South Tipperary a Special Military Area under the Defence of the Realm Act two days later.[55][56] The war was not formally declared by the Dáil, and it ran its course parallel to the Dáil's political life. On 10 April 1919 the Dáil was told:     As regards the Republican prisoners, we must always remember that this country is at war with England and so we must in a sense regard them as necessary casualties in the great fight.[57] In January 1921, two years after the war had started, the Dáil debated "whether it was feasible to accept formally a state of war that was being thrust on them, or not", and decided not to declare war.[58] Then on 11 March, Dáil Éireann President Éamon de Valera called for acceptance of a "state of war with England". The Dail voted unanimously to empower him to declare war whenever he saw fit, but he did not formally do so.[59][60] Violence spreads Wall plaque in Great Denmark Street, Dublin where the Dublin IRA Active Service Unit was founded. Volunteers began to attack British government property, carry out raids for arms and funds and target and kill prominent members of the British administration. The first was Resident Magistrate John C. Milling, who was shot dead in Westport, County Mayo, for having sent Volunteers to prison for unlawful assembly and drilling.[61] They mimicked the successful tactics of the Boers' fast violent raids without uniform. Although some republican leaders, notably Éamon de Valera, favoured classic conventional warfare to legitimise the new republic in the eyes of the world, the more practically experienced Michael Collins and the broader IRA leadership opposed these tactics as they had led to the military débacle of 1916. Others, notably Arthur Griffith, preferred a campaign of civil disobedience rather than armed struggle.[62] The violence used was at first deeply unpopular with Irish people and it took the heavy-handed British response to popularise it among much of the population.[63] During the early part of the conflict, roughly from 1919 to the middle of 1920, there was a relatively limited amount of violence. Much of the nationalist campaign involved popular mobilisation and the creation of a republican "state within a state" in opposition to British rule. British journalist Robert Lynd wrote in The Daily News in July 1920 that:     So far as the mass of people are concerned, the policy of the day is not active but a passive policy. Their policy is not so much to attack the Government as to ignore it and to build up a new government by its side.[64] Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) as special target A group of RIC officers in 1917 The IRA's main target throughout the conflict was the mainly Irish Catholic Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC), the British government's police in Ireland, outside Dublin. Its members and barracks (especially the more isolated ones) were vulnerable, and they were a source of much-needed arms. The RIC numbered 9,700 men stationed in 1,500 barracks throughout Ireland.[65] A policy of ostracism of RIC men was announced by the Dáil on 11 April 1919.[66] This proved successful in demoralising the force as the war went on, as people turned their faces from a force increasingly compromised by association with British government repression.[67] The rate of resignation went up and recruitment in Ireland dropped off dramatically. Often, the RIC were reduced to buying food at gunpoint, as shops and other businesses refused to deal with them. Some RIC men co-operated with the IRA through fear or sympathy, supplying the organisation with valuable information. By contrast with the effectiveness of the widespread public boycott of the police, the military actions carried out by the IRA against the RIC at this time were relatively limited. In 1919, 11 RIC men and 4 Dublin Metropolitan Police G Division detectives were killed and another 20 RIC wounded.[68] Other aspects of mass participation in the conflict included strikes by organised workers, in opposition to the British presence in Ireland. In Limerick in April 1919, a general strike was called by the Limerick Trades and Labour Council, as a protest against the declaration of a "Special Military Area" under the Defence of the Realm Act, which covered most of Limerick city and a part of the county. Special permits, to be issued by the RIC, would now be required to enter the city. The Trades Council's special Strike Committee controlled the city for fourteen days in an episode that is known as the Limerick Soviet.[69] Similarly, in May 1920, Dublin dockers refused to handle any war matériel and were soon joined by the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union, who banned railway drivers from carrying members of the British forces. Blackleg train drivers were brought over from England, after drivers refused to carry British troops. The strike badly hampered British troop movements until December 1920, when it was called off.[70] The British government managed to bring the situation to an end, when they threatened to withhold grants from the railway companies, which would have meant that workers would no longer have been paid.[71] Attacks by the IRA also steadily increased, and by early 1920, they were attacking isolated RIC stations in rural areas, causing them to be abandoned as the police retreated to the larger towns. Collapse of the British administration In early April 1920, 400 abandoned RIC barracks were burned to the ground to prevent them being used again, along with almost one hundred income tax offices. The RIC withdrew from much of the countryside, leaving it in the hands of the IRA.[72] In June–July 1920, assizes failed all across the south and west of Ireland; trials by jury could not be held because jurors would not attend. The collapse of the court system demoralised the RIC and many police resigned or retired. The Irish Republican Police (IRP) was founded between April and June 1920, under the authority of Dáil Éireann and the former IRA Chief of Staff Cathal Brugha to replace the RIC and to enforce the ruling of the Dáil Courts, set up under the Irish Republic. By 1920, the IRP had a presence in 21 of Ireland's 32 counties.[73] The Dáil Courts were generally socially conservative, despite their revolutionary origins, and halted the attempts of some landless farmers at redistribution of land from wealthier landowners to poorer farmers.[74] The Inland Revenue ceased to operate in most of Ireland. People were instead encouraged to subscribe to Collins' "National Loan", set up to raise funds for the young government and its army. By the end of the year the loan had reached £358,000. It eventually reached £380,000. An even larger amount, totalling over $5 million, was raised in the United States by Irish Americans and sent to Ireland to finance the Republic.[71] Rates were still paid to local councils but nine out of eleven of these were controlled by Sinn Féin, who naturally refused to pass them on to the British government.[74] By mid-1920, the Irish Republic was a reality in the lives of many people, enforcing its own law, maintaining its own armed forces and collecting its own taxes. The British Liberal journal, The Nation, wrote in August 1920 that "the central fact of the present situation in Ireland is that the Irish Republic exists".[64] The British forces, in trying to re-assert their control over the country, often resorted to arbitrary reprisals against republican activists and the civilian population. An unofficial government policy of reprisals began in September 1919 in Fermoy, County Cork, when 200 British soldiers looted and burned the main businesses of the town, after one of their number – a soldier of the King's Shropshire Light Infantry who was the first British Army death in the campaign – had been killed in an armed raid by the local IRA[75] on a church parade the day before (7 September). The ambushers were a unit of the No 2 Cork Brigade, under command of Liam Lynch, who wounded four of the other soldiers and disarmed the rest before fleeing in their cars. The local coroner's inquest refused to return a murder verdict over the soldier and local businessmen who had sat on the jury were targeted in the reprisal.[76] Arthur Griffith estimated that in the first 18 months of the conflict, British forces carried out 38,720 raids on private homes, arrested 4,982 suspects, committed 1,604 armed assaults, carried out 102 indiscriminate shootings and burnings in towns and villages, and killed 77 people including women and children.[77] In March 1920, Tomás Mac Curtain, the Sinn Féin Lord Mayor of Cork, was shot dead in front of his wife at his home, by men with blackened faces who were seen returning to the local police barracks. The jury at the inquest into his death returned a verdict of wilful murder against David Lloyd George (the British Prime Minister) and District Inspector Swanzy, among others. Swanzy was later tracked down and killed in Lisburn, County Antrim. This pattern of killings and reprisals escalated in the second half of 1920 and in 1921.[78] IRA organisation and operations Michael Collins      This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (July 2020) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) Michael Collins was a driving force behind the independence movement. Nominally the Minister of Finance in the republic's government and IRA Director of Intelligence, he was involved in providing funds and arms to the IRA units and in the selection of officers. Collins' charisma and organisational capability galvanised many who came in contact with him. He established what proved an effective network of spies among sympathetic members of the Dublin Metropolitan Police's (DMP) G Division and other important branches of the British administration. The G Division men were a relatively small political division active in subverting the republican movement and were detested by the IRA as often they were used to identify volunteers, who would have been unknown to British soldiers or the later Black and Tans. Collins set up the "Squad", a group of men whose sole duty was to seek out and kill "G-men" and other British spies and agents. Collins' Squad began killing RIC intelligence officers in July 1919.[79] Many G-men were offered a chance to resign or leave Ireland by the IRA. One spy who escaped with his life was F. Digby Hardy, who was exposed by Arthur Griffith before an "IRA" meeting, which in fact consisted of Irish and foreign journalists, and then advised to take the next boat out of Dublin.[80] The Chief of Staff of the IRA was Richard Mulcahy, who was responsible for organising and directing IRA units around the country. In theory, both Collins and Mulcahy were responsible to Cathal Brugha, the Dáil's Minister of Defence, but, in practice, Brugha had only a supervisory role, recommending or objecting to specific actions. A great deal also depended on IRA leaders in local areas (such as Liam Lynch, Tom Barry, Seán Moylan, Seán Mac Eoin and Ernie O'Malley) who organised guerrilla activity, largely on their own initiative. For most of the conflict, IRA activity was concentrated in Munster and Dublin, with only isolated active IRA units elsewhere, such as in County Roscommon, north County Longford and western County Mayo. While the paper membership of the IRA, carried over from the Irish Volunteers, was over 100,000 men, Michael Collins estimated that only 15,000 were active in the IRA during the course of the war, with about 3,000 on active service at any time. There were also support organisations Cumann na mBan (the IRA women's group) and Fianna Éireann (youth movement), who carried weapons and intelligence for IRA men and secured food and lodgings for them. The IRA benefitted from the widespread help given to them by the general Irish population, who generally refused to pass information to the RIC and the British military and who often provided "safe houses" and provisions to IRA units "on the run". Much of the IRA's popularity arose from the excessive reaction of the British forces to IRA activity. When Éamon de Valera returned from the United States, he demanded in the Dáil that the IRA desist from the ambushes and assassinations, which were allowing the British to portray it as a terrorist group and to take on the British forces with conventional military methods. The proposal was immediately dismissed. Martial law A group of "Black and Tans" and Auxiliaries in Dublin, April 1921 The British increased the use of force; reluctant to deploy the regular British Army into the country in greater numbers, they set up two auxiliary police units to reinforce the RIC. The first of these, quickly nicknamed as the Black and Tans, were seven thousand strong and mainly ex-British soldiers demobilised after World War I. Deployed to Ireland in March 1920, most came from English and Scottish cities. While officially they were part of the RIC, in reality they were a paramilitary force. After their deployment in March 1920, they rapidly gained a reputation for drunkenness and poor discipline. The wartime experience of most Black and Tans did not suit them for police duties and their violent behavior antagonised many previously neutral civilians.[81] In response to and retaliation for IRA actions, in the summer of 1920, the Tans burned and sacked numerous small towns throughout Ireland, including Balbriggan,[82] Trim,[83] Templemore[84] and others. In July 1920, another quasi-military police body, the Auxiliaries, consisting of 2,215 former British army officers, arrived in Ireland. The Auxiliary Division had a reputation just as bad as the Tans for their mistreatment of the civilian population but tended to be more effective and more willing to take on the IRA. The policy of reprisals, which involved public denunciation or denial and private approval, was famously satirised by Lord Hugh Cecil when he said: "It seems to be agreed that there is no such thing as reprisals but they are having a good effect."[85] On 9 August 1920, the British Parliament passed the Restoration of Order in Ireland Act. It replaced the trial by jury by courts-martial by regulation for those areas where IRA activity was prevalent.[86] On 10 December 1920, martial law was proclaimed in Counties Cork, Kerry, Limerick and Tipperary in Munster; in January 1921 martial law was extended to the rest of Munster in Counties Clare and Waterford, as well as counties Kilkenny and Wexford in Leinster.[87] It also suspended all coroners' courts because of the large number of warrants served on members of the British forces and replaced them with "military courts of enquiry".[88] The powers of military courts-martial were extended to cover the whole population and were empowered to use the death penalty and internment without trial; Government payments to local governments in Sinn Féin hands were suspended. This act has been interpreted by historians as a choice by Prime Minister David Lloyd George to put down the rebellion in Ireland rather than negotiate with the republican leadership.[89] As a result, violence escalated steadily from that summer and sharply after November 1920 until July 1921. (It was in this period that a mutiny broke out among the Connaught Rangers, stationed in India. Two were killed whilst trying to storm an armoury and one was later executed.)[90] Escalation: October–December 1920 British soldiers and relatives of the victims outside Jervis Street Hospital during the military enquiry into the Bloody Sunday shootings at Croke Park A number of events dramatically escalated the conflict in late 1920. First the Lord Mayor of Cork, Terence MacSwiney, died on hunger strike in Brixton Prison in London in October, while two other IRA prisoners on hunger strike, Joe Murphy and Michael Fitzgerald, died in Cork Jail. Sunday, 21 November 1920, was a day of dramatic bloodshed in Dublin. In the early morning, Collins' Squad attempted to wipe out leading British intelligence operatives in the capital, in particular the Cairo Gang, killing 16 men (including two cadets, one alleged informer, and one possible case of mistaken identity) and wounding 5 others. The attacks took place at different places (hotels and lodgings) in Dublin.[91] In response, RIC men drove in trucks into Croke Park (Dublin's GAA football and hurling ground) during a football match, shooting into the crowd. Fourteen civilians were killed, including one of the players, Michael Hogan, and a further 65 people were wounded.[92] Later that day two republican prisoners, Dick McKee, Peadar Clancy and an unassociated friend, Conor Clune who had been arrested with them, were killed in Dublin Castle. The official account was that the three men were shot "while trying to escape", which was rejected by Irish nationalists, who were certain the men had been tortured then murdered.[93][94] For all of the above reasons, this day became known as Bloody Sunday. On 28 November 1920, one week later, the West Cork unit of the IRA, under Tom Barry, ambushed a patrol of Auxiliaries at Kilmichael in County Cork, killing all but one of the 18-man patrol. These actions marked a significant escalation of the conflict. In response, the counties of Cork, Kerry, Limerick, and Tipperary – all in the province of Munster – were put under martial law on 10 December under the Restoration of Order in Ireland Act; this was followed on 5 January in the rest of Munster and in counties Kilkenny and Wexford in the province of Leinster.[87] Shortly afterwards, in January 1921, "official reprisals" were sanctioned by the British and they began with the burning of seven houses in Midleton, County Cork. Aftermath of the burning of Cork by British forces On 11 December, the centre of Cork City was burnt out by the Black and Tans, who then shot at firefighters trying to tackle the blaze, in reprisal for an IRA ambush in the city on 11 December 1920 which killed one Auxiliary and wounded eleven.[95] Attempts at a truce in December 1920 were scuppered by Hamar Greenwood, who insisted on a surrender of IRA weapons first.[96] Peak of violence: December 1920 – July 1921 During the following eight months until the Truce of July 1921, there was a spiralling of the death toll in the conflict, with 1,000 people including the RIC police, army, IRA volunteers and civilians, being killed in the months between January and July 1921 alone.[97] This represents about 70% of the total casualties for the entire three-year conflict. In addition, 4,500 IRA personnel (or suspected sympathisers) were interned in this time.[98] In the middle of this violence, de Valera (as President of Dáil Éireann) acknowledged the state of war with Britain in March 1921.[99] Between 1 November 1920 and 7 June 1921 twenty-four men were executed by the British.[100] The first IRA volunteer to be executed was Kevin Barry, one of The Forgotten Ten who were buried in unmarked graves in unconsecrated ground inside Mountjoy Prison until 2001.[101] On 1 February, the first execution under martial law of an IRA man took place: Cornelius Murphy, of Millstreet in County Cork, was shot in Cork City. On 28 February, six more were executed, again in Cork. On 19 March 1921, Tom Barry's 100-strong West Cork IRA unit fought an action against 1,200 British troops – the Crossbarry Ambush. Barry's men narrowly avoided being trapped by converging British columns and inflicted between ten and thirty killed on the British side. Just two days later, on 21 March, the Kerry IRA attacked a train at the Headford junction near Killarney. Twenty British soldiers were killed or injured, as well as two IRA men and three civilians. Most of the actions in the war were on a smaller scale than this, but the IRA did have other significant victories in ambushes, for example at Millstreet in Cork and at Scramogue in Roscommon, also in March 1921 and at Tourmakeady and Carowkennedy in Mayo in May and June. Equally common, however, were failed ambushes, the worst of which, for example at Mourneabbey,[citation needed] Upton and Clonmult in Cork in February 1921, saw six, three, and twelve IRA men killed respectively and more captured. The IRA in Mayo suffered a comparable reverse at Kilmeena, while the Leitrim flying column was almost wiped out at Selton Hill. Fears of informers after such failed ambushes often led to a spate of IRA shootings of informers, real and imagined. The biggest single loss for the IRA, however, came in Dublin. On 25 May 1921, several hundred IRA men from the Dublin Brigade occupied and burned the Custom House (the centre of local government in Ireland) in Dublin city centre. Symbolically, this was intended to show that British rule in Ireland was untenable. However, from a military point of view, it was a heavy defeat in which five IRA men were killed and over eighty captured.[102] This showed the IRA was not well enough equipped or trained to take on British forces in a conventional manner. However, it did not, as is sometimes claimed, cripple the IRA in Dublin. The Dublin Brigade carried out 107 attacks in the city in May and 93 in June, showing a falloff in activity, but not a dramatic one. However, by July 1921, most IRA units were chronically short of both weapons and ammunition, with over 3,000 prisoners interned.[103] Also, for all their effectiveness at guerrilla warfare, they had, as Richard Mulcahy recalled, "as yet not been able to drive the enemy out of anything but a fairly good sized police barracks".[104] Still, many military historians have concluded that the IRA fought a largely successful and lethal guerrilla war, which forced the British government to conclude that the IRA could not be defeated militarily.[105] The failure of the British efforts to put down the guerrillas was illustrated by the events of "Black Whitsun" on 13–15 May 1921. A general election for the Parliament of Southern Ireland was held on 13 May. Sinn Féin won 124 of the new parliament's 128 seats unopposed, but its elected members refused to take their seats. Under the terms of the Government of Ireland Act 1920, the Parliament of Southern Ireland was therefore dissolved, and executive and legislative authority over Southern Ireland was effectively transferred to the Lord Lieutenant (assisted by Crown appointees). Over the next two days (14–15 May), the IRA killed fifteen policemen. These events marked the complete failure of the British Coalition Government's Irish policy—both the failure to enforce a settlement without negotiating with Sinn Féin and a failure to defeat the IRA. By the time of the truce, however, many republican leaders, including Michael Collins, were convinced that if the war went on for much longer, there was a chance that the IRA campaign as it was then organised could be brought to a standstill. Because of this, plans were drawn up to "bring the war to England". The IRA did take the campaign to the streets of Glasgow.[106] It was decided that key economic targets, such as the Liverpool docks, would be bombed. The units charged with these missions would more easily evade capture because England was not under, and British public opinion was unlikely to accept, martial law. These plans were abandoned because of the truce. Truce: July–December 1921 A crowd gathers at the Mansion House in Dublin in the days before the truce The war of independence in Ireland ended with a truce on 11 July 1921. The conflict had reached a stalemate. Talks that had looked promising the previous year had petered out in December when David Lloyd George insisted that the IRA first surrender their arms. Fresh talks, after the Prime Minister had come under pressure from H. H. Asquith and the Liberal opposition, the Labour Party and the Trades Union Congress, resumed in the spring and resulted in the Truce. From the point of view of the British government, it appeared as if the IRA's guerrilla campaign would continue indefinitely, with spiralling costs in British casualties and in money. More importantly, the British government was facing severe criticism at home and abroad for the actions of British forces in Ireland. On 6 June 1921, the British made their first conciliatory gesture, calling off the policy of house burnings as reprisals. On the other side, IRA leaders and in particular Michael Collins, felt that the IRA as it was then organised could not continue indefinitely. It had been hard pressed by the deployment of more regular British soldiers to Ireland and by the lack of arms and ammunition. The initial breakthrough that led to the truce was credited to three people: King George V, Prime Minister of South Africa General Jan Smuts and Prime Minister of the United Kingdom David Lloyd George. The King, who had made his unhappiness at the behaviour of the Black and Tans in Ireland well known to his government, was dissatisfied with the official speech prepared for him for the opening of the new Parliament of Northern Ireland, created as a result of the partition of Ireland. Smuts, a close friend of the King, suggested to him that the opportunity should be used to make an appeal for conciliation in Ireland. The King asked him to draft his ideas on paper. Smuts prepared this draft and gave copies to the King and to Lloyd George. Lloyd George then invited Smuts to attend a British cabinet meeting consultations on the "interesting" proposals Lloyd George had received, without either man informing the Cabinet that Smuts had been their author. Faced with the endorsement of them by Smuts, the King and the Prime Minister, ministers reluctantly agreed to the King's planned 'reconciliation in Ireland' speech. The speech, when delivered in Belfast on 22 June, was universally well received. It called on "all Irishmen to pause, to stretch out the hand of forbearance and conciliation, to forgive and to forget, and to join in making for the land they love a new era of peace, contentment, and good will."[107] On 24 June 1921, the British Coalition Government's Cabinet decided to propose talks with the leader of Sinn Féin. Coalition Liberals and Unionists agreed that an offer to negotiate would strengthen the Government's position if Sinn Féin refused. Austen Chamberlain, the new leader of the Unionist Party, said that "the King's Speech ought to be followed up as a last attempt at peace before we go the full lengths of martial law".[108] Seizing the momentum, Lloyd George wrote to Éamon de Valera as "the chosen leader of the great majority in Southern Ireland" on 24 June, suggesting a conference.[109] Sinn Féin responded by agreeing to talks. De Valera and Lloyd George ultimately agreed to a truce that was intended to end the fighting and lay the ground for detailed negotiations. Its terms were signed on 9 July and came into effect on 11 July. Negotiations on a settlement, however, were delayed for some months as the British government insisted that the IRA first decommission its weapons, but this demand was eventually dropped. It was agreed that British troops would remain confined to their barracks. Most IRA officers on the ground interpreted the Truce merely as a temporary respite and continued recruiting and training volunteers. Nor did attacks on the RIC or British Army cease altogether. Between December 1921 and February of the next year, there were 80 recorded attacks by the IRA on the soon to be disbanded RIC, leaving 12 dead.[110] On 18 February 1922, Ernie O'Malley's IRA unit raided the RIC barracks at Clonmel, taking 40 policemen prisoner and seizing over 600 weapons and thousands of rounds of ammunition.[111] In April 1922, in the Dunmanway killings, an IRA party in Cork killed 10 local suspected Protestant informers in retaliation for the shooting of one of their men. Those killed were named in captured British files as informers before the Truce signed the previous July.[112] Over 100 Protestant families fled the area after the killings. The continuing resistance of many IRA leaders was one of the main factors in the outbreak of the Irish Civil War as they refused to accept the Anglo-Irish Treaty that Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith had negotiated with the British. Treaty Members of the Irish negotiation committee returning to Ireland in December 1921 Ultimately, the peace talks led to the negotiation of the Anglo-Irish Treaty (6 December 1921), which was then ratified in triplicate: by Dáil Éireann on 7 January 1922 (so giving it legal legitimacy under the governmental system of the Irish Republic), by the House of Commons of Southern Ireland in January 1922 (so giving it constitutional legitimacy according to British theory of who was the legal government in Ireland), and by both Houses of the British parliament.[113][114][115] The treaty allowed Northern Ireland, which had been created by the Government of Ireland Act 1920, to opt out of the Free State if it wished, which it duly did on 8 December 1922 under the procedures laid down. As agreed, an Irish Boundary Commission was then created to decide on the precise location of the border of the Free State and Northern Ireland.[116] The republican negotiators understood that the commission would redraw the border according to local nationalist or unionist majorities. Since the 1920 local elections in Ireland had resulted in outright nationalist majorities in County Fermanagh, County Tyrone, the City of Derry and in many District Electoral Divisions of County Armagh and County Londonderry (all north and west of the "interim" border), this might well have left Northern Ireland unviable. However, the Commission chose to leave the border unchanged; as a trade-off, the money owed to Britain by the Free State under the Treaty was not demanded.[citation needed] A new system of government was created for the new Irish Free State, though for the first year two governments co-existed; an Aireacht answerable to the Dáil and headed by President Griffith, and a Provisional Government nominally answerable to the House of Commons of Southern Ireland and appointed by the Lord Lieutenant.[117] Most of the Irish independence movement's leaders were willing to accept this compromise, at least for the time being, though many militant republicans were not. A majority[citation needed] of the pre-Truce IRA who had fought in the War of Independence, led by Liam Lynch, refused to accept the Treaty and in March 1922 repudiated the authority of the Dáil and the new Free State government, which it accused of betraying the ideal of the Irish Republic. It also broke the Oath of Allegiance to the Irish Republic which the Dáil had instated on 20 August 1919.[118] The anti-treaty IRA were supported by the former president of the Republic, Éamon de Valera, and ministers Cathal Brugha and Austin Stack.[119] The funeral of Michael Collins St. Mary's Pro-Cathedral, Dublin, August 1922 While the violence in the North was still raging, the South of Ireland was preoccupied with the split in the Dáil and in the IRA over the treaty. In April 1922, an executive of IRA officers repudiated the treaty and the authority of the Provisional Government which had been set up to administer it. These republicans held that the Dáil did not have the right to disestablish the Irish Republic. A hardline group of Anti-Treaty IRA men occupied several public buildings in Dublin in an effort to bring down the treaty and restart the war with the British. There were a number of armed confrontations between pro and anti-treaty troops before matters came to a head in late June 1922.[115] Desperate to get the new Irish Free State off the ground and under British pressure, Michael Collins attacked the anti-treaty militants in Dublin, causing fighting to break out around the country.[115] The subsequent Irish Civil War lasted until mid-1923 and cost the lives of many of the leaders of the independence movement, notably the head of the Provisional Government Michael Collins, ex-minister Cathal Brugha, and anti-treaty republicans Harry Boland, Rory O'Connor, Liam Mellows, Liam Lynch and many others: total casualties have never been determined but were perhaps higher than those in the earlier fighting against the British. President Arthur Griffith also died of a cerebral haemorrhage during the conflict.[120] Following the deaths of Griffith and Collins, W. T. Cosgrave became head of government. On 6 December 1922, following the coming into legal existence of the Irish Free State, W. T. Cosgrave became President of the Executive Council, the first internationally recognised head of an independent Irish government.[citation needed] The civil war ended in mid-1923 in defeat for the anti-treaty side.[121] North-east Conflict deaths in Belfast 1920–1922.   50–100 deaths per km²   100–150 deaths per km²   over 150 deaths per km² Sir James Craig, later Viscount Craigavon, 1st Prime Minister of Northern Ireland. Craig tacitly approved of "organised reprisals" on nationalists for IRA attacks. In the Government of Ireland Act 1920 (enacted in December 1920), the British government attempted to solve the conflict by creating two Home Rule parliaments in Ireland: Northern Ireland and Southern Ireland. While Dáil Éireann ignored this, deeming the Irish Republic to be already in existence, Unionists in the north-east accepted it and prepared to form their own government. In this part of Ireland, which was predominantly Protestant and Unionist, there was, as a result, a very different pattern of violence from the rest of the country. Whereas in the south and west, the conflict was between the IRA and British forces, in the north-east and particularly in Belfast, it often developed into a cycle of sectarian killings between Catholics, who were largely Nationalist, and Protestants, who were mostly Unionist. Summer 1920 While IRA attacks were less common in the north-east than elsewhere, the unionist community saw itself as being besieged by armed Catholic nationalists who seemed to have taken over the rest of Ireland. As a result, they retaliated against the northern Catholic community as a whole.[citation needed] Such action was largely condoned by the unionist leadership and abetted by state forces. James Craig, for instance, wrote in 1920:     The Loyalist rank and file have determined to take action... they now feel the situation is so desperate that unless the Government will take immediate action, it may be advisable for them to see what steps can be taken towards a system of 'organised' reprisals against the rebels.[122] The first cycle of attacks and reprisals broke out in the summer of 1920. On 19 June a week of inter-sectarian rioting and sniping started in Derry, resulting in 18 deaths.[123] On 17 July 1920, a British Colonel Gerald Smyth was assassinated by the IRA in the County Club in Cork city in response to a speech that was made to police officers of Listowel who had refused orders to move into the more urban areas, in which he stated "you may make mistakes occasionally, and innocent persons may be shot, but that cannot be helped. No policeman will get in trouble for shooting any man".[124][125] Smyth came from Banbridge, County Down in the north-east and his killing provoked retaliation there against Catholics in Banbridge and Dromore. On 21 July 1920, partly in response to the killing of Smyth and partly because of competition over jobs due to the high unemployment rate, loyalists marched on the Harland and Wolff shipyards in Belfast and forced over 7,000 Catholic and left-wing Protestant workers from their jobs.[126] Sectarian rioting broke out in response in Belfast and Derry, resulting in about 40 deaths and many Catholics and Protestants being expelled from their homes. On 22 August 1920, RIC Detective Swanzy was shot dead by Cork IRA men while leaving church in Lisburn, County Antrim. Swanzy had been blamed by an inquest jury for the killing of Cork Mayor Tomás Mac Curtain. In revenge, local Loyalists burned Catholic residential areas of Lisburn – destroying over 300 homes. While several people were later prosecuted for the burnings, no attempt seems to have been made to halt the attacks at the time. Michael Collins, acting on a suggestion by Seán MacEntee, organised a boycott of Belfast goods in response to the attacks on the Catholic community. The Dáil approved a partial boycott on 6 August and a more complete one was implemented by the end of 1920. Spring 1921 After a lull in violence in the north over the new year, killings there intensified again in the spring of 1921. The northern IRA units came under pressure from the leadership in Dublin to step up attacks in line with the rest of the country. Predictably, this unleashed loyalist reprisals against Catholics. For example, in April 1921, the IRA in Belfast shot dead two Auxiliaries in Donegal Place in Belfast city centre. The same night, two Catholics were killed on the Falls Road. On 10 July 1921 the IRA ambushed British forces in Raglan street in Belfast. In the following week, sixteen Catholics were killed and 216 Catholic homes burned in reprisal – events known as Belfast's Bloody Sunday. Killings on the loyalist side were largely carried out by the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), allegedly with the aid of the RIC and especially the auxiliary police force, the Ulster Special Constabulary or "B-Specials". The Special Constabulary (set up in September 1920), was largely recruited from Ulster Volunteer Force and Orange Lodges and, in the words of historian Michael Hopkinson, "amounted to an officially approved UVF".[127] In May James Craig came to Dublin to meet the British Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Lord FitzAlan, and was smuggled by the IRA through Dublin to meet Éamon de Valera. The two leaders discussed the possibility of a truce in Ulster and an amnesty for prisoners. Craig proposed a compromise settlement based on the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, with limited independence for the South and autonomy for the North within a Home Rule context. However, the talks came to nothing and violence in the north continued.[128] July 1921 – May 1922 While the fighting in the south was largely ended by the Truce on 11 July 1921, in the north killings continued and actually escalated until the summer of 1922. In Belfast, 16 people were killed in the two days after the truce alone. The violence in the city took place in bursts, as attacks on both Catholics and Protestants were rapidly followed by reprisals on the other community. In this way, 20 people died in street fighting and assassinations in north and west Belfast over 29 August to 1 September 1921 and another 30 from 21 to 25 November. Loyalists had by this time taken to firing and throwing bombs randomly into Catholic areas and the IRA responded by bombing trams which took Protestant workers to their places of employment.[129] Moreover, despite the Dáil's acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty in January 1922, which confirmed the future existence of Northern Ireland, there were clashes between the IRA and British forces along the new border from early 1922. In part, this reflected Michael Collins' view that the Treaty was a tactical move, or "stepping stone", rather than a final settlement. A number of IRA men were arrested in Derry when they travelled there as part of the Monaghan Gaelic football team. In retaliation, Michael Collins had forty-two loyalists taken hostage in Fermanagh and Tyrone. Right after this incident, a group of B-Specials were confronted by an IRA unit at Clones in Southern territory, who demanded that they surrender. The IRA unit's leader was shot dead and a gun battle broke out, in which four Special Constables were killed. The withdrawal of British troops from Ireland was temporarily suspended as a result of this event. Despite the setting up of a Border Commission to mediate between the two sides in late February, the IRA raided three British barracks along the border in March. All of these actions provoked retaliatory killings in Belfast. In the two days after the Fermanagh kidnappings, 30 people lost their lives in the city, including four Catholic children and two women who were killed by a Loyalist bomb on Weaver Street. In March, 60 died in Belfast, including six members of the Catholic McMahon family, who were targeted for assassination by members of the Special Constabulary in revenge for the IRA killing of two policemen (See McMahon murders).[130] In April, another 30 people died in the Northern capital, including another so called 'uniform attack', the Arnon Street massacre, when six Catholics were killed by uniformed policemen.[131] Winston Churchill arranged a meeting between Collins and James Craig on 21 January 1922 and the southern boycott of Belfast goods was lifted but then re-imposed after several weeks. The two leaders had several further meetings, but despite a joint declaration that "Peace is declared" on 30 March, the violence continued.[132] May–June 1922 In May and June 1922, Collins launched a guerrilla IRA offensive against Northern Ireland. By this time, the IRA was split over the Anglo-Irish Treaty, but both pro and anti-treaty units were involved in the operation. Some of the arms sent by the British to arm the new Irish Army were in fact given to IRA units and their weapons sent to the North.[133] However, the offensive, launched with a series of IRA attacks in the North on 17–19 May, ultimately proved a failure. An IRA Belfast Brigade report in late May concluded that continuing the offensive was "futile and foolish...the only result of the attack was to place the Catholic population at the mercy of the Specials".[134] On 22 May, after the assassination of West Belfast Unionist MP William Twaddell, 350 IRA men were arrested in Belfast, crippling its organisation there.[135] The largest single clash came in June, when British troops used artillery to dislodge an IRA unit from the village of Pettigo, killing seven, wounding six and taking four prisoners. This was the last major confrontation between the IRA and British forces in the period 1919–1922.[136] The cycle of sectarian atrocities against civilians however continued into June 1922. May saw 75 people killed in Belfast and another 30 died there in June. Several thousand Catholics fled the violence and sought refuge in Glasgow and Dublin.[137] On 17 June, in revenge for the killing of two Catholics by the B-Specials, Frank Aiken's IRA unit shot ten Protestant civilians, killing six in and around Altnaveigh, south Armagh. Three Special Constables were also killed in the shootings.[138] Michael Collins held the British Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson (by then MP for North Down) responsible for the attacks on Catholics in the north and may have been behind his assassination in June 1922, though who ordered the shooting is unproven.[139] The event helped to trigger the Irish Civil War. Winston Churchill insisted after the killing that Collins take action against the Anti-Treaty IRA, whom he assumed to be responsible.[140] The outbreak of the civil war in the South ended the violence in the North, as the war demoralised the IRA in the north east and distracted the attention of the rest of the organisation from the question of partition. After Collins' death in August 1922, the new Irish Free State quietly ended Collins' policy of covert armed action in Northern Ireland. The violence in the north fizzled out by late 1922, the last reported killing of the conflict in what was now Northern Ireland took place on 5 October.[141] Detention During the 1920s, the vessel HMS Argenta was used as a military base and prison ship for the holding of Irish Republicans by the British government as part of their internment strategy after Bloody Sunday. Cloistered below decks in cages which held 50 internees, the prisoners were forced to use broken toilets which overflowed frequently into their communal area. Deprived of tables, the already weakened men ate off the floor, frequently succumbing to disease and illness as a result. There were several hunger strikes, including a major strike involving upwards of 150 men in the winter of 1923.[142] By February 1923, under the 1922 Special Powers Act the British were detaining 263 men on Argenta, which was moored in Belfast Lough. This was supplemented with internment at other land based sites such as Larne workhouse, Belfast Prison and Derry Gaol. Together, both the ship and the workhouse alone held 542 men without trial at the highest internment population level during June 1923.[142] Propaganda war The symbol of the Republic: The Irish tricolour which dated back to the Young Ireland rebellion of 1848. A symbol of British rule: The standard of the Lord Lieutenant, using the union flag created under the Act of Union 1800. Another feature of the war was the use of propaganda by both sides.[143] The British government also collected material on the liaison between Sinn Féin and Soviet Russia, in an unsuccessful attempt to portray Sinn Féin as a crypto-communist movement.[144] The Catholic Church hierarchy was critical of the violence of both sides, but especially that of the IRA, continuing a long tradition of condemning militant republicanism. The Bishop of Kilmore, Dr. Finnegan, said: "Any war... to be just and lawful must be backed by a well grounded hope of success. What hope of success have you against the mighty forces of the British Empire? None... none whatever and if it unlawful as it is, every life taken in pursuance of it is murder."[145] Thomas Gilmartin, the Archbishop of Tuam, issued a letter saying that IRA men who took part in ambushes "have broken the truce of God, they have incurred the guilt of murder."[146] However, in May 1921, Pope Benedict XV dismayed the British government when he issued a letter that exhorted the "English as well as Irish to calmly consider . . . some means of mutual agreement", as they had been pushing for a condemnation of the rebellion.[147] They declared that his comments "put HMG (His Majesty's Government) and the Irish murder gang on a footing of equality".[147] Desmond FitzGerald and Erskine Childers were active in producing the Irish Bulletin, which detailed government atrocities which Irish and British newspapers were unwilling or unable to cover. It was printed secretly and distributed throughout Ireland, and to international press agencies and US, European and sympathetic British politicians. While the military war made most of Ireland ungovernable from early 1920, it did not actually remove British forces from any part. But the success of Sinn Féin's propaganda campaign reduced the option of the British government to deepen the conflict; it worried in particular about the effect on British relations with the US, where groups like the American Committee for Relief in Ireland had so many eminent members. The British cabinet had not sought the war that had developed since 1919. By 1921 one of its members, Winston Churchill, reflected:     What was the alternative? It was to plunge one small corner of the empire into an iron repression, which could not be carried out without an admixture of murder and counter-murder.... Only national self-preservation could have excused such a policy, and no reasonable man could allege that self-preservation was involved.[148] Casualties Monument to IRA fighters in Phibsborough, Dublin The total number killed in the guerrilla war of 1919–21 between republicans and British forces in what became the Irish Free State came to over 1,400. Of these, 363 were police personnel, 261 were from the regular British Army, about 550 were IRA volunteers (including 24 official executions), and about 200 were civilians.[1][100] Some other sources give higher figures.[149] On 21 November 1921 the British army held a memorial service for its dead, of all ranks, of which it counted 162 up to the 1921 Truce and 18 killed afterwards.[150] A number of these are buried in the Grangegorman Military Cemetery.[151] 557 people died in political violence in what would become Northern Ireland between July 1920 and July 1922. This death toll is usually counted separately[by whom?] from the southern casualties, as many of these deaths took place after the 11 July truce that ended fighting in the rest of Ireland. Of these deaths, between 303 and 340 were Catholic civilians, 35 were IRA men, between 172 and 196 were Protestant civilians and 82 were British forces personnel (38 were RIC and 44 were Ulster Special Constables). The majority of the violence took place in Belfast: 452 people were killed there – 267 Catholics and 185 Protestants.[152] Irish nationalists have argued that this northern violence represented a pogrom against their community as 58% of the victims were Catholics, even though Catholics were only around 35% of the population. Historian of the period Alan Parkinson has suggested that the term 'pogrom' is 'unhelpful and misleading in explaining the events of the period' as the violence was not state directed or one sided.[153] Similarly in recent decades, attention has been drawn to the IRA's shooting of civilian informers in the south. Several historians, notably Peter Hart have alleged that those killed in this manner were often simply considered "enemies" rather than being proven informers. Especially vulnerable, it is argued, were Protestants, ex-soldiers and tramps. "It was not merely (or even mainly) a matter of espionage, spies and spy hunters, it was a civil war between and within communities".[154] Particularly controversial in this regard has been the Dunmanway killings of April 1922, when ten Protestants were killed and three "disappeared" over two nights. Hart's contentions have been challenged by a number of historians, notably Niall Meehan[155] and Meda Ryan.[156] Post-war evacuation of British forces Soldiers of a British cavalry regiment leaving Dublin in 1922 By October 1921 the British Army in Ireland numbered 57,000 men, along with 14,200 RIC police and some 2,600 auxiliaries and Black and Tans. The long-planned evacuation from dozens of barracks in what the army called "Southern Ireland" started on 12 January 1922, following the ratification of the Treaty and took nearly a year, organised by General Nevil Macready. It was a huge logistical operation, but within the month Dublin Castle and Beggars Bush Barracks were transferred to the Provisional Government. The RIC last paraded on 4 April and was formally disbanded on 31 August. By the end of May the remaining forces were concentrated in Dublin, Cork and Kildare. Tensions that led to the Irish Civil War were evident by then and evacuation was suspended. By November about 6,600 soldiers remained in Dublin at 17 locations. Finally on 17 December 1922 The Royal Barracks (now housing collections of the National Museum of Ireland) was transferred to General Richard Mulcahy and the garrison embarked at Dublin Port that evening.[157] Compensation In May 1922 the British Government with the agreement of the Irish Provisional Government established a commission chaired by Lord Shaw of Dunfermline to examine compensation claims for material damage caused between 21 January 1919 and 11 July 1921.[158] The Irish Free State's Damage To Property (Compensation) Act, 1923 provided that only the Shaw Commission, and not the Criminal Injury Acts, could be used to claim compensation.[159] Originally, the British government paid claims from unionists and the Irish government those from nationalists; claims from "neutral" parties were shared.[160] After the 1925 collapse of the Irish Boundary Commission, the UK, Free State and Northern Ireland governments negotiated revisions to the 1921 treaty; the Free State stopped contributing to the servicing of the UK national debt, but took over full responsibility for compensation for war damage, with the fund increased by 10% in 1926.[161][162] The "Compensation (Ireland) Commission" worked until March 1926, processing thousands of claims.[160] Role of women in the war Constance Markievicz was a member of the Irish Citizen Army and fought in the Easter Rising. In 1919 she was appointed Minister for Labour in the Government of the Irish Republic Although most of the fighting was carried out by men, women played a substantial supporting role in the Irish War of Independence. Before the Easter Rising of 1916, many Irish nationalist women were brought together through organisations fighting for women's suffrage, such as the Irish Women's Franchise League.[163] The republican socialist Irish Citizen Army promoted gender equality and many of these women—including Constance Markiewicz, Madeleine ffrench-Mullen, and Kathleen Lynn—joined the group.[164] In 1914, the all-female paramilitary group Cumann na mBan was launched as an auxiliary of the Irish Volunteers. During the Easter Rising, some women participated in fighting and carried messages between Irish Volunteer posts while being shot at by British troops.[165] After the rebel defeat, Éamon de Valera opposed the participation of women in combat and they were limited to supporting roles.[166] During the conflict, women hid IRA volunteers being sought by the British, nursed wounded volunteers, and gathered money to help republican prisoners and their families. Cumann na mBan engaged in undercover work to set back the British war effort. They smuggled guns, ammunition, and money to the IRA, such as Kathleen Clarke, who reported "smuggling £2,000 of gold from Limerick city to Dublin for IRA leader Michael Collins".[167] Because they sheltered wanted men, many women were subject to raids on their homes by British police and soldiers, with acts of sexual violence sometimes being reported but not confirmed.[166] It is estimated that there were between 3,000 and 9,000 members of Cumann na mBan during the war, and in 1921 there were 800 branches throughout the island. It is estimated that fewer than 50 women were imprisoned by the British during the war.[167] Memorial A memorial called the Garden of Remembrance was erected in Dublin in 1966, on the fiftieth anniversary of the Easter Rising. The date of signing of the truce is commemorated by the National Day of Commemoration, when all those Irish men and women who fought in wars in specific armies (e.g., the Irish unit(s) fighting in the British Army in 1916 at the Battle of the Somme) are commemorated. The last survivor of the conflict, Dan Keating (of the IRA), died in October 2007 at the age of 105.[168] Cultural depictions Literature     1923 – The Shadow of a Gunman, play by Seán O'Casey     1929 – The Last September, novel by Elizabeth Bowen     1931 – Guests of the Nation, short story by Frank O'Connor     1970 – Troubles, novel by J. G. Farrell     1979 – The Old Jest, novel by Jennifer Johnston, winner of the Whitbread Award     2010 – The Soldier's Song, novel by Alan Monaghan Television and film     1926 – Irish Destiny, silent film     1929 – The Informer, part-talkie film     1934 – The Key, American Pre-Code film     1935 – The Informer, John Ford film     1936 – The Dawn, Irish film (also called Dawn Over Ireland)     1936 – Ourselves Alone, British film     1936 – Beloved Enemy, American drama film     1937 – The Plough and the Stars, John Ford film     1959 – Shake Hands with the Devil, feature film     1975 – Days of Hope, 1916: Joining Up     1988 – The Dawning, film, based on Jennifer Johnston's The Old Jest     1989 – The Shadow of Béalnabláth (1989) RTÉ TV Documentary by Colm Connolly about the life and death of Michael Collins.     1991 – The Treaty     1996 – Michael Collins, feature film     1999 – The Last September (film)     2001 – Rebel Heart, BBC miniseries. The theme music of the same name was composed by Sharon Corr.     2002 – An Deichniúr Dearmadta (The Forgotten Ten) a TG4 TV Documentary     2006 – The Wind That Shakes the Barley, feature film     2014 – A Nightingale Falling, film     2019 – Resistance, five-part RTÉ miniseries See also     Aftermath of World War I     Revolutions of 1917–1923 References (Hopkinson, Irish War of Independence pp. 201–202). Hopkinson, Irish War of Independence, pp. 201–202. Hopkinson lists 363 RIC killed in Southern Ireland 1919–21, Robert Lynch, the Northern IRA and the Early Years of Partition, gives a figure of 38 RIC and 43 USC personnel killed in Northern Ireland 1920–22 p. 227 and p. 67. The RIC casualty figure includes 4 Dublin Metropolitan Policemen and 2 Harbour Police. Hopkinson lists 200 killed in southern Ireland 1919–21, Richard English, Armed Struggle, a History of the IRA, gives a total of 557 killed in Northern Ireland in 1920–1922 pp. 39–40. Heatherly, Christopher J. (2012). Cogadh Na Saoirse: British Intelligence Operations During the Anglo-Irish War, 1916–1921 (reprint ed.). BiblioBazaar. ISBN 9781249919506. Retrieved 22 December 2014. Dinan, Brian (1987). Clare and its people. Dublin: The Mercier Press. ISBN 085342-828-X. p. 105. Coleman, Marie. The Irish Revolution, 1916-1923. Routledge, 2013. pp.86-87 "The Black and Tan War – Nine Fascinating Facts About the Bloody Fight for Irish Independence". Militaryhistorynow.com. 9 November 2015. Retrieved 15 January 2018. "Irishmedals.org". Irishmedals.org. Retrieved 15 January 2018. "Michael Collins: A Man Against an Empire – HistoryNet". Historynet.com. 12 June 2006. Retrieved 15 January 2018. "Eunan O'Halpin on the Dead of the Irish Revolution". Theirhistory.com. 10 February 2012. Retrieved 15 January 2018. Eunan O'Halpin, "Counting Terror", in David Fitzpatrick ed. Terror in Ireland (2012), p.152 Neil Richardson, "A Coward if I return, a Hero if I fall: Stories of Irishmen in World War I", (Dublin 2010), p.13. "Ireland – The rise of Fenianism". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 30 April 2020. "GOVERNMENT OF IRELAND BILL". api.parliament.uk. Retrieved 30 April 2020. "Ireland – The 20th-century crisis". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 30 April 2020. Coleman, Marie. (2013). The Irish Revolution, 1916–1923. Hoboken: Taylor and Francis. p. 9. ISBN 978-1-317-80147-4. OCLC 864414854. "BBC – John Redmond". www.bbc.co.uk. Retrieved 30 April 2020. O’Riordan, Tomás: UCC Multitext Project in Irish History John Redmond Archived 28 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine "BBC – The Proclamation". www.bbc.co.uk. Retrieved 30 April 2020. 1916 Necrology. Glasnevin Trust. "BBC – Sinn Féin". www.bbc.co.uk. Retrieved 30 April 2020. "Countess Markievicz—'The Rebel Countess'" (PDF). Irish Labour History Society. Retrieved 17 December 2017. "BBC – The rise of Sinn Féin". www.bbc.co.uk. Retrieved 30 April 2020. "'A Declaration of War on the Irish People' The Conscription Crisis of 1918". The Irish Story. Retrieved 30 April 2020. "Election 1918 – what you need to know about how Ireland voted". rte.ie. 11 December 2018. Retrieved 30 April 2020. O'Toole, Fintan. "Fintan O'Toole: The 1918 election was an amazing moment for Ireland". The Irish Times. Retrieved 30 April 2020. "The End of the British Empire in Ireland". Public Record Office, The National Archives. Retrieved 30 April 2020. Kautt, William Henry (1999). The Anglo-Irish War, 1916–1921: A People's War. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 131. ISBN 9780275963118. Retrieved 30 August 2015. "And Whereas the Irish Republic was proclaimed in Dublin on Easter Monday, 1916, by the Irish Republican Army acting on behalf of the Irish people...Now, therefore, we, the elected Representatives of the ancient Irish people in National Parliament assembled, do, in the name of the Irish nation, ratify the establishment of the Irish Republic..." "BBC – The Irish Volunteer Force/Irish Republican Army". www.bbc.co.uk. Retrieved 30 April 2020. Cottrell, Peter The Anglo-Irish War The Troubles of 1913–1922, London: Osprey, 2006 page 18. Cottrell, Peter The Anglo-Irish War The Troubles of 1913–1922, London: Osprey, 2006 page 19. Murphy, David (30 January 2007). Irish Regiments in the World Wars. p. 28. ISBN 978-1-84603-015-4. Cottrell, Peter The Anglo-Irish War The Troubles of 1913–1922, London: Osprey, 2006 page 20. Cottrell, Peter The Anglo-Irish War The Troubles of 1913–1922, London: Osprey, 2006 pages 49–52. Cottrell, Peter The Anglo-Irish War The Troubles of 1913–1922, London: Osprey, 2006 page 54. Cottrell, Peter The Anglo-Irish War The Troubles of 1913–1922, London: Osprey, 2006 page 21. Cottrell, Peter The Anglo-Irish War The Troubles of 1913–1922, London: Osprey, 2006 page 24. Cottrell, Peter The Anglo-Irish War The Troubles of 1913–1922, London: Osprey, 2006 page 26. Cottrell, Peter The Anglo-Irish War The Troubles of 1913–1922, London: Osprey, 2006 page 25. Cottrell, Peter The Anglo-Irish War The Troubles of 1913–1922, London: Osprey, 2006 page 28. Padraig Yeates, Jimmy Wren, Michael Collins, an Illustrated Life, (1989) ISBN 1-871793-05-X, p. 27. Charles Townshend, Easter 1916, The Irish Rebellion p. 338. T Ryle Dwyer, Tans Terror and Troubles, Kerry's Real Fighting Story 1916–23. Peter Hart. The I.R.A. and its enemies: violence and community in Cork, 1916–1923. pp. 62–63 Mícheál Ó Súilleabháin. "The Mouth of the Glen" in Where Mountainy Men Have Sown. p39-45, 1965 "Taoiseach Jack Lynch meets Old IRA War of Independence veterans at the unveiling of a memorial plaque at Beal na Ghleanna, Co. Cork". Pictures from the Examiner Archive. Irish Examiner. Retrieved 20 June 2011. Ireland, 1798–1998: Politics and War (A History of the Modern British Isles) by Alvin Jackson (ISBN 978-0631195429), p. 244. The Irish War by Tony Geraghty (ISBN 978-0-00-638674-2), p. 330. Breen, Dan (1981), My fight for Irish freedom, Anvil, p. 50, ISBN 978-0-900068-58-4 History Ireland, May 2007, p. 56. Irish Freedom by Richard English (ISBN 978-0-330-42759-3), p. 287. The Irish War of Independence by Michael Hopkinson (ISBN 978-0773528406), p. 115. A Military History of Ireland by Thomas Bartlett and Keith Jeffery (ISBN 978-0521629898), p. 407. Michael Collins: A Life by James Mackay (ISBN 1-85158-857-4), p. 106. Sean Treacy and the 3rd. Tipperary Brigade by Desmond Ryan (1945), p. 74. Police Casualties in Ireland, 1919–1922 by Richard Abbott (ISBN 978-1856353144), p. 49. Dáil Éireann – Volume 1 – 10 April 1919 Archived 7 June 2011 at the Wayback Machine. Dáil Éireann – Volume 1 – 25 January 1921 Archived 7 June 2011 at the Wayback Machine. Dáil Éireann – Volume 1 – 11 March 1921 Archived 7 June 2011 at the Wayback Machine. The IRA by Tim Pat Coogan (ISBN 0-00-653155-5), p. 25. Hopkinson, Irish War of Independence, p. 26. M.E. Collins, Ireland 1868–1966, p. 254. "The executions". BBC. April 2012. Retrieved 4 September 2014. Hopkinson, Irish War of Independence, p. 42. The RIC's strength in late 1919 was down to 9,300 but extensive recruitment saw it reach a height of over 14,000 by June 1921, Hopkinson, Irish War of Independence, p. 49. Hopkinson, War of Independence, p. 26. Cottrell, Peter The Anglo-Irish War The Troubles of 1913–1922, London: Osprey, 2006 page 46. Hopkinson, Irish War of Independence pp. 201–2. "The Limerick soviet of 1919". blackened.net. Archived from the original on 6 February 1998. Charles Townshend, 'The Irish Railway Strike of 1920: Industrial Action and Civil Resistance in the Struggle for Independence,' Irish Historical Studies 21, no. 83 (May 1979): 265–82. Hopkinson, Irish War of Independence p. 43. M.E. Collins, Ireland 1868–1966, p. 258. M.E. Collins, Ireland, p. 252. Hopkinson, Irish War of Independence, p. 44. September 1919 Archived 5 March 2012 at the Wayback Machine. Bennett, Richard (1959). The Black and Tans. E. Hulton & Co Ltd (London). p. 16. Irish Self-Determination League of Great Britain, 1919–24 Archived 6 October 2008 at the Wayback Machine. Collins, Ireland, p. 262. Michael Collins's Intelligence War by Michael T. Foy (ISBN 0-7509-4267-3), p. 25. T. Ryle Dwyer. The Squad: And the Intelligence Operations of Michael Collins. pp. 137–39. Bennett, Richard (2001). The Black and Tans. pp. 33–34. ISBN 978-1-86227-098-5. Bennett, Richard (2001). The Black and Tans. p. 82. ISBN 978-1-86227-098-5. Bennett, Richard (2001). The Black and Tans. p. 83. ISBN 978-1-86227-098-5. Bennett, Richard (2001). The Black and Tans. p. 87. ISBN 978-1-86227-098-5. Richard Bennett, The Black and Tans, E Hulton and Co Ltd, London, 1959, p. 107, ISBN 1-56619-820-8. Ainsworth, John S. (2000). British Security Policy in Ireland, 1920–1921: A Desperate Attempt by the Crown to Maintain Anglo-Irish Unity by Force (PDF). Proceedings of the 11th Irish-Australian Conference. Perth, Western Australia: Murdoch University. p. 5. Ainsworth 2000, p. 7. Ainsworth 2000, p. 5. Michael Hopkinson, The Irish War of Independence, p. 65, Hopkinson has characterised the Act as a "halfway house to martial law". Silvestri, Michael (July–August 2010). "Commemoration: Nationalism, empire and memory: the Connaught Rangers mutiny, June 1920". History Ireland. 18 (4). Retrieved 22 November 2018. Bennett, Richard (2001). The Black and Tans. pp. 104–107. ISBN 978-1-86227-098-5. Michael Collins by Tim Pat Coogan (ISBN 0-09-968580-9), p. 144. The Secret Army: The IRA by J. Bowyer Bell (ISBN 1560009012), p. 23. Michael Collins's Intelligence War by Michael T. Foy (ISBN 0-7509-4267-3), p. 167. Tom Barry: IRA Freedom Fighter by Meda Ryan (ISBN 1-85635-480-6), p. 98. "The Irish War of Independence – A Brief Overview". Theirhistory.com. 18 September 2012. Retrieved 15 January 2018. Ryan (above) quotes Lionel Curtis, political advisor to Lloyd George, writing in early 1921 "Protestants in the south do not complain of persecution on sectarian grounds. If Protestant farmers are murdered, it is not by reason of their religion, but rather because they are under suspicion as Loyalist. The distinction is fine, but a real one." Nevertheless, between 1911 and 1926, the territory of the Free State lost 34 percent of its (small) Protestant population to migration. (M.E. Collins, Ireland p. 265). "Today in Irish History – The First Dáil meets and the Soloheadbeg Ambush – 21 January 1919". theirishstory.com. The Irish Story. 21 January 2016. Retrieved 17 April 2019. "In fact the Dail did not formally take responsibility for the IRA campaign until March 1921 with a statement from Eamon de Valera to this effect" Irish Political Prisoners 1848– 1922 by Seán McConville (ISBN 978-0415219914), p. 697. Irish Rebury 10 Republicans Hanged by British in 1920s 15 October 2001 New York Times : Accessed 1 November 2008. Foy, Michael T. (2013). Michael Collins's Intelligence War. The History Press. pp. 214–218. ISBN 978-0-7509-4267-6. Foy (2013), p. 198 Dorothy McArdle, The Irish Republic, p. 568. According to historian Michael Hopkinson, the guerrilla warfare, "was often courageous and effective" (Hopkinson, Irish War of Independence, p202). Another historian, David Fitzpatrick notes that, "The guerrilla fighters... were vastly outnumbered by the forces of the Crown... the success of the Irish Volunteers in surviving so long is therefore noteworthy" (Bartlett, Military History of Ireland, p. 406). https://www.dailyrecord.co.uk/news/scottish-news/battle-of-rottenrow-960788 Britain Between the Wars, 1918–40 by Charles Loch Mowat (ISBN 978-0416295108), pp. 84–85. The Austen Chamberlain Diary Letters by Austen Chamberlain (ISBN 978-0521551571), p. 161. Negotiations June–September 1921. UCC online – accessed Dec 2009. Niall C. Harrington Kerry Landing, p. 8. Harrington p. 10. Meda Ryan, Tom Barry, IRA Freedom Fighter, p. 157. "Dáil Éireann – Volume 3 – 7 January, 1922 – Debate on Treaty". historical-debates.oireachtas.ie. Oireachtas Parliamentary Debates Record. 7 January 1922. Archived from the original on 7 June 2011. Nicholas Mansergh (2007). The Irish Free State – Its Government and Politics. Read. pp. 39–40. ISBN 978-1-4067-2035-8. Turtle Bunbury (2005). "The Irish Civil War (1922–1923)". turtlebunbury.com. Retrieved 24 November 2018. Michael Laffan (2004). "The Emergence of the 'Two Irelands', 1912–25". historyireland.com. Vol. 12 no. 4. History Ireland. Darrell Figgis (2002). The Irish Constitution Explained. ISBN 9781376884531. "Section III – The Executive – (A) Executive Council/Aireacht" "Dáil Éireann – Volume 1 – 20 August, 1919 – Oath of Allegiance". historical-debates.oireachtas.ie. Oireachtas Parliamentary Debates Record. 20 August 1919. Archived from the original on 11 February 2012. Retrieved 2 September 2012. J. Anthony Gaughan (2011). "Stack, Austin (1879–1929)" (PDF). treaty.nationalarchives.ie. National Archives. Retrieved 24 November 2018. Michael Laffan (2011). "Griffith, Arthur Joseph (1871–1922)" (PDF). treaty.nationalarchives.ie. National Archives. Retrieved 24 November 2018. Diarmaid Ferriter (2015). "Hearts of stone in Ireland's civil war". irishtimes.com. Irish Times. Retrieved 24 November 2018. (Hopkinson, Irish War of Independence, p. 158). Irish Times 24 June 1920; reprinted 24 June 2009. Michael Collins's Intelligence War by Michael T. Foy (ISBN 0-7509-4267-3), p. 91. Constable Jeremiah Mee, leader of the mutiny among the police officers, suggested in a publication of the Sinn Féin newspaper Irish Bulletin, that Smyth had said that the officers should shoot IRA suspects on sight. In reality, Order No. 5, which Smyth had already said to colleagues that he was going to read out to the officers, said that IRA suspects should be shot as a last resort if the IRA men didn't surrender when challenged. This episode, along with the mutiny, has come down to be known as the Listowel mutiny. Dáil Debate, "Belfast", 6 August 1920 Hopkinson, Irish War of Independence, p. 158. Hopkinson, Irish War of Independence, p. 162. Alan F Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War, ISBN 1-85182-792-7 hbk p. 316. Parkinson, Unholy War, p. 237. Parkinson, Unholy War, p. 316. Michael Hopkinson, Green Against Green, the Irish Civil War, pp. 79–83. Hopkinson Green against Green pp. 83–86. Hopkinson, Green against Green p. 86. Hopkinson, Green against Green p. 85. Hopkinson, Green Against Green, pp. 83–87. for death toll and Catholic refugees; Parkinson, Unholy War, p. 316. Lynch, Northern IRA pp. 147–48. Hopkinson, Green against Green, pp. 112–113. Hopkinson, Green against Green, pp. 115–116. Parkinson, Unholy War, p. 316. Kleinrichert, Denise, Republican Internment and the Prison Ship "Argenta", 1922 (September 2000), Irish Academic Press Ltd. ISBN 978-0-7165-2683-4 Kenneally, Ian (2008). The Paper Wall: Newspapers and Propaganda in Ireland 1919–1921. Collins. ISBN 978-1905172580. "Intercourse between Bolshevism and Sinn Féin", Cmd. 1326 (HMSO, London, 1921). Raids and Rallies by Ernie O'Malley (ISBN 978-0900068638), p. 96. Raids and Rallies by Ernie O'Malley (ISBN 978-0900068638), p. 97. Michael Collins by Tim Pat Coogan (ISBN 0-09-968580-9), p. 204. W. Churchill, The Aftermath (Thornton 1929) p. 297. The Police Service of Northern Ireland, successor to the RIC via the RUC, lists the figures of RIC killed as 418, with 146 British soldiers killed. One in twenty of the RIC dead with one in twelve wounded. See figures available here [1]. Archived 7 March 2008 at the Wayback Machine Dublin Historical Record 1998 Vol 51, p. 17. "Grangegorman Military Cemetery " Irish History Podcast". Irishhistorypodcast.ie. 28 February 2011. Archived from the original on 28 March 2012. Retrieved 2 September 2012. Richard English, Armed Struggle, a History of the IRA, pp. 39–40. Robert Lynch, The Northern IRA and the Early Years of Partition, pp. 227, p. 67. 'despite disproportionate loss of life and serious injury among the Catholic community, there were also hundreds of Protestant dead and injured'. Also he argues that 'co-ordination of the murder campaign was not executed by the official administration for the area and many killings appeared to have been done in a random and reactive fashion'. Parkinson, Unholy War, p. 314. Hart, IRA and its Enemies, p. 314. Meehan, Niall. "Kilmichael veterans son challenges Hart". southernstar.ie. Archived from the original on 21 July 2011. Ryan, Tom Barry, IRA Freedom Fighter, 2005 Dublin Historical Record 1998, vol.51 pp. 4–24. Cmd. 1654: Compensation (Ireland) Commission : warrant of appointment. Parliamentary Papers. XVII. HMSO. 8 May 1922. p. 523. "Damage To Property (Compensation) Act, 1923, Section 1". Irish Statute Book. Retrieved 22 September 2017. Clark, Gemma (21 April 2014). Everyday Violence in the Irish Civil War. Cambridge University Press. p. 23. ISBN 9781107036895. Retrieved 22 September 2017. "Treaty (Confirmation of Amending Agreement) Act, 1925, Schedule". Irish Statute Book. Retrieved 22 September 2017. "Damage To Property (Compensation) (Amendment) Act, 1926". Irish Statute Book. Retrieved 22 September 2017. "Women and History 1912–1922" (PDF). www.ul.ie. Retrieved 6 December 2018. McKenna, Joseph (8 March 2011). Guerrilla Warfare in the Irish War of Independence, 1919äóñ1921. McFarland. p. 110. ISBN 9780786485192. McKenna, Joseph (8 March 2011). Guerrilla Warfare in the Irish War of Independence, 1919äóñ1921. McFarland. p. 112. ISBN 9780786485192. McKenna, Joseph (8 March 2011). Guerrilla Warfare in the Irish War of Independence, 1919äóñ1921. McFarland. pp. 262, 263. ISBN 9780786485192. Ryan, Louise (July 1999). "'Furies' and 'Die‐hards': Women and Irish Republicanism in the Early Twentieth Century". Gender and History. 11 (2): 264. doi:10.1111/1468-0424.00142.     "Irish Civil War veteran dies at 105". BBC News. 3 October 2007. Bibliography     Bartlett, Robert (1997). A Military History of Ireland. Penguin. ISBN 0140154094.     Collins, M. E. (1993), Ireland 1868–1966, Dublin: Educational Company, ISBN 0-86167-305-0.     Comerford, Richard (2003), Ireland: Inventing the Nation, Hodder.     Connolly, Colm (1996), The Illustrated Life of Michael Collins, Boulder, Co.: Roberts Rinehart, ISBN 978-1-57098-112-8     Connolly, Colm (1996), Michael Collins, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, ISBN 978-0-297-83608-7     Coogan, Tim Pat (1990), Michael Collins, London: Hutchinson, ISBN 978-0-091-74106-8.     Coogan, Tim Pat (2016), 1916: One Hundred Years of Irish Independence: From the Easter Rising to the Present, New York: Thomas Dunne Books, ISBN 978-1-250-11059-6.     Cottrell, Peter (2006), The Anglo-Irish War, The Troubles, 1913–23, Oxford: Osprey Publishing, ISBN 978-1-84603-023-9.     English, Richard (2003), Armed Struggle, a History of the IRA, MacMillan, ISBN 0-19-516605-1.     Hart, Peter (2003), The IRA at War 1916–1923, Oxford: Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-925258-0.     Hart, Peter (1998), The IRA and Its Enemies: Violence and Community in Cork, 1916–1923, Oxford: Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-820806-5.     Hopkinson, Michael (2002), The Irish War of Independence, Gill & Macmillan.     Hopkinson, Michael (2004), Green against Green, the Irish Civil War, Gill & Macmillan.     Kleinrichert, Denise (2000), Republican Internment and the Prison Ship "Argenta", 1922, Kildare: Irish Academic Press Ltd, ISBN 978-0-7165-2683-4.     Lowe, W.J. (2002), 'The War against the RIC, 1919–21', Eire-Ireland, 37     Lyons, F. S. L. (1971), Ireland Since the Famine, London.     MacCardle, Dorothy (1937), The Irish Republic, London     Murphy, Gerard (2010), The Year of Disappearances: Political Killings in Cork 1920–1921, Cork: Gill & Macmillan Ltd, ISBN 978-0-7171-4748-9.     Pakenham, Frank (Earl of Longford) (1935), Peace By Ordeal: An Account from First-Hand Sources of the Negotiation and Signature of the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921, London, ISBN 978-0-283-97908-8.     O'Donoghue, Florrie (May 1963), 'Guerilla Warfare in Ireland 1919–1921', An Cosantóir, XXII.     Ryan, Meda (2003), Tom Barry: IRA Freedom Fighter, Cork: Mercier Press, ISBN 1-85635-425-3     Sheehan, William (2011), A Hard Local War: The British Army and the Guerrilla War in Cork, 1919-1921, The History Press, ISBN 978-0752458823     Townshend, Charles (1975), The British Campaign in Ireland 1919–1921: The Development of Political and Military Policies, Oxford     Townshend, Charles (2014), The Republic: The Fight For Irish Independence, London External links     Wikimedia Commons has media related to Irish War of Independence.     The Irish Independence Film Collection Irish Film Institute collection of contemporary newsreels with background information     War Of Independence website for Clare and Galway     Cork's War of Independence     The Irish Story archive on the war     The Irish War website     War memorials related to the Irish War of Independence     Irish History Links for the War of Independence     vte Irish Republican Army (1919–1922) General        Genealogy Irish Volunteers Irish Citizen Army Easter Rising Sinn Féin Declaration of Independence Irish Republic Dáil Éireann (First Dáil & Second Dáil) Irish Bulletin Irish War of Independence Flying column Government of Ireland Act 1920 British Partition (Northern Ireland & Southern Ireland) Anglo-Irish Treaty Irish Civil War Irish Free State Organisation        Brigades of the Irish Republican Army Irish Republican Police The Squad Actions        Soloheadbeg ambush Rescue at Knocklong Listowel mutiny Rineen ambush Tooreen ambush Battle of Ballinalee Dublin Bloody Sunday Kilmichael ambush Clonfin ambush Dromkeen ambush Upton train ambush Clonmult ambush Coolavokig ambush Sheemore ambush Clonbanin ambush Selton Hill ambush Burgery ambush Crossbarry ambush Headford ambush Scramoge ambush Kilmeena ambush Custom House burning Carrowkennedy ambush Coolacrease killings Belfast Bloody Sunday Chiefs of Staff        Cathal Brugha (1917–19) Richard Mulcahy (1919–22) Eoin O'Duffy (1922) Personalities        Michael Collins JJ "Ginger" O'Connell Terence MacSwiney Emmet Dalton Dick McKee Paddy Daly Piaras Béaslaí Erskine Childers Liam Mellows Joe McKelvey Frank Aiken Gearóid O'Sullivan Tom Maguire Seán Lemass Seán Mac Mahon Stephen Behan Andrew Cooney Seán Treacy Dan Breen Seán Hogan Séumas Robinson Tom Barry Seán Mac Eoin Charlie Hurley Seán O'Hegarty Seán Moylan Tom McEllistrim George Oliver Plunkett George Lennon Michael Kilroy Ernie O'Malley Frank Aiken Moss Twomey Tom Hales Sean Hales Peadar O'Donnell Liam Tobin Joseph McGrath Richard Barrett Louis Darcy Associates        Irish Republican Brotherhood Cumann na mBan Fianna Éireann Clan na Gael Irish Self-Determination League National Association of Old IRA 1916–1921 Club Derivatives        National Army Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army     vte Irish Republican Brotherhood General        Young Ireland Fenianism Irish republicanism Physical force Irish republicanism Irish in the American Civil War Manchester Martyrs Cuba Five New Departure Irish Race Conventions Obstructionism Fenian Ram Hindu–German Conspiracy Declaration of Independence Irish Republic Sinn Féin Anglo-Irish Treaty Irish Civil War Irish Free State Actions        Fenian Rising (Clerkenwell explosion and Fenian raids) Catalpa rescue Land War Fenian dynamite campaign Easter Rising Irish War of Independence Army Mutiny Presidents        James Stephens (1858–1866) Thomas J. Kelly (1866–1869) J. F. X. O'Brien (1869–1872) Charles Kickham (1873–1882) John O'Connor Power (1882–1891) John O'Leary (1891–1907) Neal O'Boyle (1907–1910) John Mulholland (1910–1912) Seamus Deakin (1913–1914) Denis McCullough (1915–1916) Thomas Ashe (1916–1917) Seán McGarry (1917–1919) Harry Boland (1919–1920) Patrick Moylett (1920) Michael Collins (1920–1922) Richard Mulcahy (1922–1924) Espionage        Thomas Miller Beach Francis Frederick Millen Associates        Fenian Brotherhood Clan na Gael United Irishmen of America Irish Republican Army Cumann na mBan Fianna Éireann Emmet Monument Association Friends of Irish Freedom Derivatives        Irish National Invincibles (Phoenix Park killings) Ireland, Irish Éire, country of western Europe occupying five-sixths of the westernmost major island of the British Isles. Beach. Sand. Ocean. Vacation. Sunset casts an orange glow over Ipanema Beach, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Britannica Quiz Places in Music How well do you know your musical places? From AC/DC to Bruce Springsteen, test your knowledge of the origins of various musicians and groups in this quiz. The magnificent scenery of Ireland’s Atlantic coastline faces a 2,000-mile- (3,200-km-) wide expanse of ocean, and its geographic isolation has helped it to develop a rich heritage of culture and tradition that was linked initially to the Gaelic language. Washed by abundant rain, the country’s pervasive grasslands create a green-hued landscape that is responsible for the popular sobriquet Emerald Isle. Ireland is also renowned for its wealth of folklore, from tales of tiny leprechauns with hidden pots of gold to that of the patron saint, Patrick, with his legendary ridding the island of snakes and his reputed use of the three-leaved shamrock as a symbol for the Christian Trinity. But while many may think of Ireland as an enchanted land, the republic has been beset with perennial concerns—emigration, cultural and political identity, and relations with Northern Ireland (comprising the 6 of Ireland’s 32 counties within the province of Ulster that remain part of the United Kingdom). At the beginning of the 21st century, Ireland’s long-standing economic problems were abating, owing to its diverse export-driven economy, but calamity struck again in 2008 when a new financial and economic crisis befell the country, culminating in a very costly bailout of the Irish economy by the European Union (EU) and the International Monetary Fund. Ireland Ireland Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. The emergence of Ireland as an independent country is a fairly recent phenomenon. Until the 17th century, political power was widely shared among a rather loosely constructed network of small earldoms in often-shifting alliances. Following the so-called “Flight of the Earls” after an unsuccessful uprising in the early 17th century, Ireland effectively became an English colony. It was formally incorporated into the United Kingdom in 1801. A 1914 Home Rule Act was passed but never implemented due to pro-union militancy in the north, the onset of World War I, and the subsequent Irish War of Independence. In 1920 the island was effectively partitioned with the creation of Northern Ireland, a six-county area with devolved powers within the United Kingdom, whereas under the Anglo-Irish Treaty of December 6, 1921, the other 26 counties became the Irish Free State, a self-governing dominion within the British Commonwealth and Empire. In 1937 the southern state passed a new constitution that offered a more robust expression of sovereignty, and in 1949 it formally left the Commonwealth as the Republic of Ireland. Since then Ireland has become integrated with the rest of western Europe. It joined the European Economic Community (forerunner of the EU) in 1973. Though the country generally retained a neutral role in international affairs, in 2008 Ireland became an impediment to the enactment of the Lisbon Treaty—an agreement aimed at streamlining the EU’s processes and giving it a higher international profile—when the Irish voted against the passage of the treaty in a national referendum. The treaty, however, was approved by Irish voters in a second referendum, held the following year. Save 50% off a Britannica Premium subscription and gain access to exclusive content. Subscribe today Irish people Irish people Overview of the people of Ireland, with a focus on the impact of the mass emigration to the United States during the 19th century. Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. See all videos for this article Dependent on agriculture, Ireland was long among Europe’s poorest regions, a principal cause of mass migration from Ireland, especially during the cycle of famine in the 19th century. Some 40 million Americans trace their ancestry to Ireland as a result of that traumatic exodus, as do millions of others throughout the world. Every year members of this diaspora visit their ancestral homeland and forge connections with long-lost family. Explore the culture and tradition of the cosmopolitan city Dublin, the fashion, music, Trinity College, and the vibrant pubs frequented by tourists and Dubliners Explore the culture and tradition of the cosmopolitan city Dublin, the fashion, music, Trinity College, and the vibrant pubs frequented by tourists and Dubliners Overview of Dublin. Contunico © ZDF Enterprises GmbH, Mainz See all videos for this article Ireland’s capital is Dublin, a populous and affluent city whose metropolitan area is home to more than one-fourth of the country’s total population. The city’s old dockside neighbourhoods have given way to new residential and commercial development. Cork, Ireland’s second largest city, is a handsome cathedral city and port in the southwest. Other principal centres include Waterford, Wexford, and Drogheda on the east coast, Sligo in the northwest, and Limerick and Galway in the west. River Liffey, Dublin River Liffey, Dublin View of Dublin from the River Liffey. © PlusONE/Shutterstock.com Although Ireland is now both urbanized and Europeanized, its culture retains many unique characteristics, and its people prize folkloric and social traditions that largely derive from and celebrate the country’s rural past. In “Meditations in Time of Civil War” William Butler Yeats, perhaps Ireland’s best-known poet, evokes the idyllic and idealized countryside, a place central to the memories of the country’s millions of expatriates and their descendants:     An acre of stony ground,     Where the symbolic rose can break in flower,     Old ragged elms, old thorns innumerable,     The sound of the rain or sound     Of every wind that blows;     The stilted water-hen     Crossing stream again     Scared by the splashing of a dozen cows. Land The republic of Ireland occupies the greater part of an island lying to the west of Great Britain, from which it is separated—at distances ranging from 11 to 120 miles (18 to 193 km)—by the North Channel, the Irish Sea, and St. George’s Channel. Located in the temperate zone between latitudes 51°30′ and 55°30′ N and longitudes 6°00′ and 10°30′ W—as far north as Labrador or British Columbia in Canada and as far west as the West African state of Liberia—it constitutes the westernmost outpost of the Atlantic fringe of the Eurasian landmass (the absolute extreme of which is Tearaght Island, the westernmost member of the Blasket Islands, which lie off the Dingle Peninsula and are part of County Kerry). Ireland, which, like Great Britain, once formed part of this landmass, lies on the European continental shelf, surrounded by seas that are generally less than 650 feet (200 metres) deep. The greatest distance from north to south in the island is 302 miles (486 km), and from east to west it is 171 miles (275 km). List of famous Irish people Irish people are well-known for their eloquence. Ireland has spawn a large number of world-class poets, novelists, playwrights and actors. Many prominent politicians in the English-speaking world might well have inherited their oratory skills from their Irish ancestors, including (at least) fifteen U.S. presidents, four prime ministers of Australia, one British prime minister, one Canadian prime minister and two French presidents. Writers, Playwrights & Poets     Jonathan Swift (1667-1745) : Anglo-Irish satirist, essayist, political pamphleteer, best known for his novel Gulliver's Travels.     Oliver Goldsmith (1730-1774) : Anglo-Irish writer and poet, best remembered for his novel The Vicar of Wakefield, and his plays The Good-Natur'd Man and She Stoops to Conquer.     Bram Stoker (1847-1912) : novelist and short story writer, best known as the author of the Gothic novel Dracula.     Oscar Wilde (1854-1900) : writer and poet, known for his novel The Picture of Dorian Gray and his plays Salome and The Importance of Being Earnest.     George Bernard Shaw (1856-1950) : playwright and co-founder of the London School of Economics. He is the only person to have been awarded both a Nobel Prize in Literature (1925) and an Oscar (1938), the latter for the adaptation of his play Pygmalion to the cinema.     William Butler Yeats (1865-1939) : poet and playwright considered as one of the driving forces behind the Irish Literary Revival. He was the first Irishman to be awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature (1923). His greatest works include The Tower and The Winding Stair and Other Poems. He also served two terms as an Irish Senator.     James Joyce (1882-1941): novelist and poet, considered to be one of the most influential writers in the modernist avant-garde of the early 20th century. His best-known works include Ulysses, Dubliners, A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man and Finnegans Wake.     Samuel Beckett (1906-1989) : avant-garde novelist, playwright, theatre director, and poet, who lived in Paris for most of his adult life and wrote in both English and French. His style is associated with the Theatre of the Absurd movement. His notable works include Murphy, Molloy, Malone Dies, The Unnamable, Waiting for Godot, Watt, Endgame, Krapp's Last Tape, How It Is. He won the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1969.     Seamus Heaney (born 1939) : foremost 20th-century poet and playwright. He was both the Harvard and the Oxford Professor of Poetry and won numerous litterary awards, including the 1995 Nobel Prize in Literature. He is best known for his collection of poems such as Opened Ground: Poems, District and Circle, The Spirit Level, and his translation of Beowulf.     Patrick Kavanagh (1904-1967) : one of the foremost poets of the 20th century. His most famous works include the novel Tarry Flynn and the poems Raglan Road and The Great Hunger.     Brian O'Nolan (1911-1966) : novelist, playwright and satirist regarded as a key figure in postmodern literature. His better known English language novels are At Swim-Two-Birds and The Third Policeman.     Brendan Behan (1923-1964) : poet, short story writer, novelist, and playwright who wrote in both English and Irish. His notable works include the plays The Quare Fellow and The Hostage and his autobiograhy Borstal Boy. Politicians & Activists     Charles Thomson (1729-1824) : was a Patriot leader during the American Revolution. He was the secretary of the Continental Congress of America throughout its 15 years of existence. He was born in Maghera, County Londonderry.     Richard Martin (1754-1834), was a politician and one of the earliest animal rights activists. In 1824 he founded the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (RSPCA), now the oldest and largest animal welfare organisation in the world. He was born at Ballynahinch Castle, County Galway.     Daniel O'Connell (1775-1847) : often referred to as The Liberator, or The Emancipator, he campaigned for the right for Catholics to sit in the Westminster Parliament, and to repeal of the Act of Union which combined Great Britain and Ireland. He was born near Cahersiveen, County Kerry.     Michael Collins (1890-1922) : revolutionary leader who served as Director of Intelligence for the IRA, Minister for Finance, Chairman of the Provisional Government and Commander-in-chief of the National Army. He was shot and killed in August 1922, during the Irish Civil War. Collins was born near Clonakilty, County Cork. US Presidents of Irish Descent Presidents with too elusive or distant Irish ancestry were excluded from the list. Irish ancestry     James Buchanan (1791-1868) : all ancestors hailed from County Donegal.     John F. Kennedy (1917-1963): all his ancestors were Irish, chiefly from Counties Waterford, Cork and Limerick.     Ronald Reagan (1911-2004): his father's ancestors were all Irish, from County Tipperary. Ulster Scots ancestry     Andrew Jackson (1767-1845) : both parents born in County Antrim.     James Knox Polk (1795-1849) : distant paternal ancestors from County Donegal.     Andrew Johnson (1808-1875) : grandfather born in County Antrim.     Ulysses S. Grant (1822-1885) : one of his great-grand-fathers was born in County Tyrone.     Chester A. Arthur (1829-1886) : father born in County Antrim.     Grover Cleveland (1837-1908) : ancestors from County Antrim on his mother's side.     William McKinley (1843-1901) : grandfather born in County Antrim.     Theodore Roosevelt (1858-1919) : some of his maternal ancestors hailed from County Antrim.     Woodrow Wilson (1856-1924) : grandfather born in County Tyrone.     Lyndon B. Johnson (1908-1973) : paternal ancestors originated from Ulster.     Richard Nixon (1913-1994) : ancestors from County Antrim on his mother's side.     Bill Clinton (born 1946) : paternal ancestors originated from County Fermanagh. Other Politicians of Irish Descent     Ambrosio O'Higgins, Marquis of Osorno (1720–1801) : served as captain general of Chile, then Viceroy of Peru. The O'Higgins family descended from the Gaelic Baron of Ballynary and the O'Conor clan from Connacht.     John Hancock (1737-1793) : president of the Second Continental Congress and famous signatory of the United States Declaration of Independence. His family hailed from County Down.     Bernardo O'Higgins (1778–1842) : Chilean independence leader and first President of Chile, and his father, Viceroy of Peru Ambrosio O'Higgins, Marquis of Osorno. He was the son of Ambrosio O'Higgins.     Patrice MacMahon (1808-1893) : 1st Duke of Magenta, Marshal of France and first president of the Third Republic, from 1875 to 1879. His paternal ancestors came from County Clare.     James Scullin (1876-1953) : Prime Minister of Australia from 1929 to 1932.     Joseph Lyons (1879-1939) : Prime Minister of Australia from 1932 to 1939.     John Curtin (1885-1945) : Prime Minister of Australia from 1941 to 1945.     Charles de Gaulle (1890-1970) : leader of the Free French Forces during WWII, founder of the French Fifth Republic and President of France from 1959 to 1969. His mother was of partial Irish descent. De Gaulle himself was a passionate Celticist advocating the union of the Welsh, Scots, Irish and Bretons into one people.     James Callaghan (1912-2005) : Labour Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1976 to 1979. He is the only person to have served in all four of the Great Offices of State: Prime Minister, Chancellor of the Exchequer (1964–67), Home Secretary (1967–70), and Foreign Secretary (1974–76). His father was of Irish descent.     Chaim Herzog (1918-1997) : 6th President of Israel. He was born in Belfast as the son of the Chief Rabbi of Ireland.     Brian Mulroney (born 1939) : 18th Prime Minister of Canada     Paul Keating (born 1944), Prime Minister of Australia from 1991 to 1996. Actors & Film Directors     Barry Fitzgerald (1888-1961)     Maureen O'Sullivan (1911-1998)     Richard Harris (1930-2002)     Peter O'Toole (b. 1932)     Gabriel Byrne (b. 1950)     Colm Meaney (b. 1953)     Pierce Brosnan (b. 1953)     Daniel Day Lewis (b. 1957) - Irish by citizenship but British-born     Kenneth Branagh (b. 1960)     Colin Farrell (b. 1976)     Cillian Murphy (b. 1976) Hollywood Actors of Irish Descent     Harrison Ford (b. 1942)     Bill Murray (b. 1950)     Alec Baldwin (b. 1958)     George Clooney (b. 1961)     Mel Gibson (b. 1956)     Heather Graham (b. 1970)     Ben Affleck (b. 1972)     Macaulay Culkin (b. 1980) Singers, Musicians & Bands     Horslips     U2     Thin Lizzy     Boomtown Rats     The Corrs     Clannad     Boyzone     Ronan Keating     Van Morrison     The Cranberries     Gilbert O'Sullivan     Westlife     Enya Singers & Musicians of Irish Descent     Paul McCartney, John Lennon and George Harrison of the Beatles     Liam Gallagher and Noel Gallagher of Oasis     Bruce Springsteen     Johnny Rotten (lead singer of the Sex Pistols) Scientists & Inventors     Robert Boyle (1627-1691), was an Anglo-Irish natural philosopher, chemist, physicist, and inventor. He has been dubbed the "father of modern chemistry", and is also one of the pioneers of the modern experimental scientific method. He is best remembered for Boyle's law, which states that the absolute pressure and volume of a given mass of confined gas are inversely proportional, if the temperature remains unchanged within a closed system.     John Tyndall (1820-1893), an Anglo-Irish physicist, was the first to prove the Greenhouse Effect, the first to discover why the sky is blue (Tyndall effect), as well as a number of other discoveries about processes in the atmosphere. He was also the first scientist to be referred specifically as a physicist.     Col. Edward Joshua Cooper (1827-1902) created the Markree Observatory in 1830, on the grounds of his ancestral home, Markree Castle. It was possibly the most advanced private observatory of its time, and featured the world's first cast-iron telescope and the largest refractor lens (34 cm / 13.5"). In 1848, Copper's assistant, Andrew Graham, discovered the asteroid 9 Metis - the only asteroid ever discovered from Ireland.     John Philip Holland (1840-1914), born in Liscannor, County Clare, invented the first functional self-propelled submarine in 1877. He later developed the first submarines used by the U.S. Navy (1900), the Royal Navy (1901), and the Japanese Imperial Navy (1904). The latter played a decisive role in the victory of Japan over Russia in 1905, for which Holland was awarded the Order of the Rising Sun by Emperor Meiji.     William Edward Wilson (1851–1908) was an astronomer from County Westmeath who took some of the earliest photographs of the stars, the moon, the sun and a solar eclipse. In 1889, he became the first person to measure the temperature of the sun, reaching an estimation of 6590°C, remarkably close to the modern value of 6075°C.     Louis Brennan (1852-1932), born in Castlebar, County Mayo, was a mechanical engineer who emigrated to Australia, where he invented the steerable torpedo in 1874. It was the first weapon in history that could be remotely directed to its target. He later invented the gyroscopically-balanced monorail system and the gyroscopic helicopter, which performed the world's first unmanned (but controlled) helicopter flight.     Ernest Walton (1903-1995), born in Dungarvan, County Waterford, is the only Irish Nobel laureate in sciences. Working at Cambridge University, in the early 1930s he became the first person in history to artificially split the atom, thus ushering the world into the nuclear age. Other notable Irish individuals     James Hoban (1758-1831), born in Desart, County Kilkenny, studied architectyre in Dublin, then immigrated to America, where he was chosen to design the White House in Washington, D.C.     Patrick Brontë (1777-1861), born in Rathfriland, County Down, was an Anglican clergyman and writer mostly known for being the father of the (English-born) writers Charlotte, Emily, Anne, and Branwell Brontë.     James Gamble (1803–1891), soapmaker, industrialist and co-founder of the Procter & Gamble Company. He was born in Enniskillen, County Fermanagh.     Constance Markievicz (née Gore-Booth, 1868-1927) was the first woman elected to the British House of Commons (in December 1918). She was also one of the first women in the world to hold a cabinet position (Minister for Labour of the Irish Republic, 1919–1922).
  • Condition: In Excellent Condition
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